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FIFTY-SECOND VOLUME.
THE LIFE OF MARY WARD.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
[ALL RIGHTS OF TRANSLATION AND REPRODUCTION ARE RESERVED.]
ROEHAMPTON :
PRINTBD BY JAMES STANLEY.
EriffTxived from the. onginal oilpainting in the Paradeiscr' Haus,
(the first Convent of the Institute of the Blessed Viiy in Mary in Munich.)
noTv in the possession of the JSluns of the Institute at Altottinff, Bavaria .
THE LIFE OF MARY WARD
(1585— 1645)
MARY CATHARINE ELIZABETH CHAMBERS
OF THE INSTITUTE OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN.
EDITED
BY
HENRY JAMES COLERIDGE
OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS
VOLUME THE SECOND
LONDON
BURNS AND GATES
GRANVILLE MANSIONS W.
1885
C3
INTRODUCTION.
The long delay which has intervened between the
publication of the first volume of this work, and the
completion which is now offered to the reader, has
been occasioned by a variety of causes, and has not
been altogether unfruitful and without its advantages.
It has enabled the writer to avail herself of some
very interesting documents which have come to light
in Rome and elsewhere since the first volume was
finished. But I regret to say that it is quite clear
that many more documents of importance must b6
in existence of which we are not yet possessors, and'
that a far longer delay would have been necessary,
if it had been possible to wait for the full elucida-
tion of many points of the history which must now be
left in some obscurity. But it seems better to finish
the work while it can be finished, than to postpone
the remainder indefinitely. The archives at Rome
are slow in yielding their treasures, and it is out of
the power either of the Author or the Editor of these
volumes to accelerate the process. Nor is it at all
certain that the documents which might help us
vi Introduction.
most as to the difficulties in the history ought not
to be sought for elsewhere than at Rome.
Much, however, has been done ; enough, it is
hoped, to attain the main object of this work. For
the main object, which has been kept steadily in view,
has not been the accomplishment of a perfect his-
torical account of all that relates to Mary Ward, much
less of all that relates to the history of the Insti-
tute which she began with so much zeal, carried on
with so much energy and perseverance, to see it
crushed, or almost crushed, by an act of the Supreme
Power in the Church, to which she submitted with
full loyalty, and which was not recalled, as far as
it was recalled, till long after her death. Such a
history would require a far longer work and far more
copious resources than have been at our command.
The work before the reader is the life of Mary Ward
rather than the history of her Institute, and in this
respect it may perhaps claim sufficient completeness.
Mary was one of those distinguished servants of
the Church who have had to show their loyalty to her
in the most beautifully conclusive way, by submitting
to her proscriptions, and sacrificing thereto, like the
hero of old, what was dear to them as their own flesh
and blood. Such services are among the most heroic
that can be made by the children of the Church.
They give the opportunity for the display of the
highest devotion, and we cannot doubt that they
Introduction. vii
are rewarded in proportion to their merit. I am
much mistaken if these volumes do not leave on
the mind of the reader a very definite and well-
drawn image of the character of this most interest-
ing English lady, and if they do not attract to her
the admiration and the veneration of modern
Catholics among us. This is the great object of
the work, to give a true history of Mary Ward.
And if this is done, other matters, relating to her
peculiar work and its fortunes, may be allowed to
wait for the time when it may be more possible
to treat them with all fulness.
At the same time, it would not be true to say
that the history itself of the action of authority,
both in regard to Mary Ward and in regard of her
Institute, is not sufficiently explained in the pre-
sent volumes. There are some pages of the present
history over which no one would willingly linger,
but these pages do not relate to the action of the
Rulers of the Church, except very indirectly. A
larger supply of documents might lead to many
personal revelations. It could not well alter, except
in one point, of which I shall speak presently, any
main feature of the history. We know quite
enough to understand the action of the Holy See,
and we can see how that action, at the time, was
necessary and inevitable. And we can see also in
the subsequent history the reward of the patient
viii Introduction.
submission to authority of those whom it struck
most severely and in the tenderest point. It is no
wonder to us to find that, in the days in which we
live, the work originally begun by Mary Ward has
grown into one of the fairest and noblest orna-
ments of the Church, under the sheltering hand
and protection of the Supreme Pontiff himself This
happy issue will not seem a strange result of the
life and character of Mary Ward. On the contrary,
it will seem a natural result in the order of His
Government, Whose word tells us that they who sow
in tears shall reap in joy. This principle is never
more certain of illustration than in the case of those
who trust themselves to His Providence, when some
great work of zeal and devotion has to be sacrificed
either to charity or to obedience.
Whatever may be thought of the prudence of the
steps taken by the English Virgins in their attempt
to obtain for their Institute the full recognition of
the Supreme authority, there can be no doubt about
Mary's thorough loyalty and honesty, her singleness
of heart, her tenacity of purpose, her courage and
her humility. These are qualities which would not
have been brought out in so marked a manner if
all had gone smoothly with her and her plans in
her dealings with the authorities of the Church, nor
should we, under different circumstances, have had
from her so bright an example of the perfect charity
Introdtiction. ix
towards opponents which is one of the invariable
characteristics of saintly souls. I do not see how
any one who reads this history can be surprised
at the great devotion and veneration which Mary
Ward inspired in those who were most familiar with
her, or wonder that she should have left behind her
an impression on their minds which was perpetuated
in all those who succeeded to their work. The most
precious instincts of charity and gratitude must be
stifled, if a character and a course of suffering like
hers are not to gather round them an ever-increasing
halo of glory, in the minds of successive generations
labouring under the same banner. It is quite
clear that there was nothing of general disloyalty
or rebelliousness in the veneration in which her
name came to be held, even though it is also clear
that the members of the Institute in some places
gave but too much handle to the attacks of their
opponents, when they came to accuse them of
treating her as a Saint without authority.
It has already been said that the action of the
Holy See, in suppressing the Institute as it existed
in the state in which we find it at the opening of
this volume, needs no defence. It is perfectly clear
that the English Virgins could not have obtained
that sanction from the Holy See which they so
simply and so courageously demanded. They could
not have obtained it in those days under any cir-
Introduction.
cumstances, and they most certainly could not have
obtained it under the peculiar circumstances of
Catholicism in England at that period. The narra-
tive before us also shows that we have but a very
partial and incomplete account of the actual state
of the Institute itself immediately before its suppres-
sion. We read of the doings and aims of Mary
Ward herself, of the state of the houses in Rome
and Naples, of the favour with which she met in
Bavaria, and the like. This is not nearly all that
must have been before the eyes of the Holy See
at the time. We hear hardly anything of what was
going on in England itself at this time, and we are
told very little of the state of things in the other
parts of Europe' where the Institute had been ori-
ginally founded, and where, under the extremely
trying conditions under which the work had to be
carried on, there is certainly abundant reason for
fearing that disorder had begun, and might
speedily become normal. Our want of information
as to the state of things in England furnishes a
peremptory answer to any complaints that may rise
in the minds of the admirers of these religious Ladies.
For it cannot be doubted that the chief cause of the
suppression is to be found in the hostility to the
Institute which was evinced by the English clergy.
The final suppression by Urban VIII. was brought
on, against the original plan of the authorities at
Introduction. xi
Rome, who wished to proceed in another way, by-
troubles in the houses in Flanders to which Mary
Ward was a stranger. But the burthen which she
contemplated taking up was too great for her
shoulders. It is no light task, even in the pre-
sent day, when the means of communication are
so much greater, for a lady in Mary Ward's posi-
tion to govern a number of convents of religious
women in different parts of Europe, even though she
resides at Rome, and has no external difficulties to
contend with. There is great reason for thinking
that no one in Mary Ward's days and in her posi-
tion could have been equal to such a work. And
there seems to have been among these English ladies
a very great inclination to a mode of action which
has often ruined the most promising Institutes. I
mean that the rapid multiplication of houses wher-
ever occasion offered itself, without a due regard
either to the careful formation of the subjects by
whom they were to be filled, or for the securing of
due supervision on the part of superiors. If any
Institutes, among the many which exist in the
Church, are more likely than others to be ruined
by such imprudence, they must certainly be those
which are formed on the model and in the spirit
of the Society of Jesus.
The reader of this volume will be disappointed
to find that the sources of information now and then
xii Introduction.
fail us, just at times when we should be glad to have
it, and that we are thus left without light which
might enable us to see more clearly how the ques-
tion of the sanction or the prohibition of the pro-
posed Institute presented itself to the Holy See.
But it is quite sufficiently clear that many and consi-
derable disorders were already rife. We are obliged
to follow in these pages the footsteps of Mary Ward
herself, and we do not find much to help us as to
the state of the Institute at a distance, while she
was urging its cause at Rome. We see enough to
make us fear that there were many dangers already
in course of development. All these things, as has
been said, must have come in some measure before
the eyes of the Holy See, already directed to the
Institute both by the supplications of its promoters
and the strong remonstrances of its adversaries,
and it is not surprising that such a state of things
should have hastened on a decision already inevit-
able.
Another thing which must have made it impera-
tive on the Holy See to make an immediate, choice
between suppression and sanction was the develop-
ment of the Institute in Bavaria and Austria in
the last years before the final blow. We find in
the present volume a very prudent letter of advice
written by Mary Ward's great friend, the famous
Father John Gerard, in which he urges the Ladies
Introduction. xiii
of the Institute not to be so much in a hurry to
accept new houses. Both in Bavaria and in Austria
the Ladies had the warm support of the Catholic
Sovereigns, the most valued sons of the Holy See,
and it might well have seemed essential to the rulers
at Rome to prevent the further advance of what
they could not positively approve, though up to that
time it had been tacitly tolerated. As we read the
pages of this volume we are more and more con-
vinced of the absolute singleness of purpose of Mary
herself and of all those immediately around her.
But the Holy See has often to oppose strongly the
designs and acts of persons of the utmost purity of
intention. And in the matter of the development of
her Institute at that particular time, Mary may well
be thought, even by those who admire her character
most sincerely, to have acted with an over-sanguine
precipitancy.
In truth, all through the history of the present
volume we miss the presence of some prudent counsel-
lor, acquainted with the state of affairs at Rome and
with the manner of proceeding of the Holy See, to
guide the adventurous spirits of Mary and her com-
panions in their bold plan of introducing what would
have been very little short of a female Society of
Jesus. It is only fair to add that Mary herself and
those around her never seem to have given tangible
ground for the charges made against them of usurp-
xiv Introduction.
ing any part of the priestly or Apostolic office ; but
their refusal to accept the law of enclosure which
had so lately been strongly insisted on by Pius V.
may have given ground to an impression that many,
at least, of these Ladies were desirous of being free
to go wherever they might think it well to go, and
to do whatever their zeal for souls might suggest.
This might seem very dangerous and intrusive.
Putting aside such excesses, the work which they
aimed at doing is being done at the present day
by thousands of religious women all over the
Church, and it would be little short of calumnious
to speak of these in the manner in which some
of her opponents spoke and wrote of Mary Ward
and her friends. Such was the misery of those
sad times. Many of the children of the Church,
especially in England, had not only the burthen
of having to fight a terrible battle against perse-
cution and tyranny of the worst kind. They wasted
much of the vigour and strength which were so
much needed for the conflict, in domestic quarrels.
Under such circumstances it must often happen that
the rulers of the Church may have to refuse their
sanction to what is violently opposed, simply because
the violence of the opposition is enough to put a
bar to success. When the kind of action which is
thus prevented is in itself liable to the suspicion of
novelty, and likely to be accompanied by much
Introduction. xv
danger and risk, the sanction may be withheld on
this ground also. But it need not then be supposed
that the charges so freely made have been accepted
as true. To grant to the English Virgins all that
they asked would have been, in any case, very hazar-
dous, and to refuse to sanction what is hazardous
may often be not only prudent, but necessary.
It is perhaps hardly possible to close this short
Introduction without some reference to what those
familiar with this subject know to be a considerable
difficulty to the Catholic historian of the Institute
of the English Virgins, in consequence of the language
of a famous Bull of Benedict XIV. I might, in-
deed, justly say, that the Life of Mary Ward might
be left to itself, without entering on questions raised
concerning her, and raised only incidentally, more than
a century after her happy death. But it is better to
say here a few words on this subject for two reasons.
In the first place, it might appear disrespectful to
the memory and authority of so great a Pontiff as
Benedict XIV. to pass over in silence his reflections
on Mary Ward and her case. But in the second place,
it also appears that the narrative given in the present
volume goes very far indeed to explain those reflec-
tions. In the year 1749 Benedict XIV. issued a
famous Bull,* which has always been highly valued
in the Church, on account of the legislation which it
* The Bull Qtiamvis justo^ April 30, 1749.
xvi Introduction.
contains as to the relation between Bishops and the
Superiors of such Institutes as the Institute of Mary.
Into the merits of the question between the Bishop
of Augsburg and the Convent of Mindelheim, no one
would now care to enter. The discussion of the ques-
tion brought up incidentally the proceedings at Rome
concerning Mary Ward, and some documents there
were consulted by order of the Pope. Thus it is that
we have, in the first part of this Bull, a narrative of
the circumstances, based on a consultation of these
documents, and apparently on this alone. I think,
when all things are fairly considered, it will be found
that the discrepancy between the story of Mary Ward
as sketched in the Bull, and as written in the follow-
ing pages is not great, even to outward appearance,
and that the circumstances encourage us to suppose
that, did we know more, the difference would entirely
vanish. If this is so, a considerable historical difficulty
will have been removed.
In the first place, it must be remembered that
Benedict XIV. simply gives the story as far as it
could be found in the Archives of the Roman Congre-
gations, by persons who only consulted those archives
for a particular purpose, a century and more after the
occurrences to which they referred. It was one of
the characteristics of the conduct of Mary Ward,
that she never defended herself against personal
charges. In consequence of this fact, it is not at
Introduction. xvii
all probable that the archives consulted by the
order of Benedict XIV. contained any documents
at all on her side. In this, Mary Ward acted
on a principle diametrically in contradiction to
that which guided St. Ignatius, who, time after
time, when accusations were made against him
and the Society, insisted on a juridical investigation
and a definite decision, notwithstanding the readi-
ness of the accusers to withdraw their charges.
Mary Ward acted on a principle of noble humility,
St. Ignatius on one of supreme prudence. Thus
the archives contained the unanswered accusations
made against the English Ladies by the agents
of the English clergy. They contained records
of the formal acts of the Congregations in her
regard. But they could not possibly contain many
documents which might have made the previous
history completely intelligible. For instance, Bene-
dict XIV. says nothing of the encouraging letter of
Cardinal Lancelotti in the time of Paul V., on which
it was that the hopes of the English Virgins were
built, and justly built. This letter, and the consent
of the Ordinaries in the places where houses were
opened, gave them the toleration on which they acted.
But the Bull of Pope Benedict only says that Mary
Ward had opened houses at St. Omer, at Liege,
Treves, Cologne, and elsewhere, " as may be believed,
for a good purpose," and that she came to Rome
xviii Introduction.
to solicit the confirmation of her Institute under
Gregory XV. The letter of Cardinal Lancelotti was
not such a document as could find a place in the
archives consulted under Benedict XIV.
There can be no doubt, on the simplest historical
grounds, that everything that is recorded in the Bull
before us is based on the documents consulted. But
the documents consulted would not mention any
of the facts of the case for which no formal record
was required. Thus the opening of the house and
schools in Rome, which are shown in the present
volume to have been tolerated, on Mary's own
request, that the Institute might be seen at work,
and which were afterwards closed, is alluded to m
the Bull as something clandestine. It was no doubt
both unauthorized, and also tacitly permitted by
the highest authorities. Thus, when suppressed, the
house might be spoken of as something that had
been opened " clam." But the experiment was in fact
made under the vigilant eyes of Cardinal Mellino.
There would be no record of this in the archives, and
thus, when the schools were closed, it might be said
that they had never been acknowledged or never
permitted. This would be true technically. But the
statement would not be fairly understood, if it was
taken as conveying any censure on those who had
made the experiment, as if they had endeavoured
to elude the supervision of authority. As soon as
Introdtiction. xix
the facts stated in the present volume concerning
this and a certain number of other houses are under-
stood, it becomes clear how we are to understand
the word " clam." This is an instance of the manner
in which the statements in the Bull are to be com-
mented on and explained by the narrative here given.
But it would be impossible, in the limits of this Intro-
duction, to make a complete commentary of this
kind.
The account of Mary Ward and her proceedings
given . in the Bull of which I speak, may be summed
up as follows. She is said to have come to Rome
in 162 1, for the purpose of obtaining the confirmation
of her Institute. In 1624, it is said, the Procurator
of the English Clergy made formal and grave com-
plaints to the Congregation of the Propaganda, on
account of the detriment caused to the missions in
England by the manner of living of these Ladies,
and in consequence of these remonstrances the
Institute was submitted for examination to Cardinal
MeUino. In 1628, Cardinal Klessel, the Bishop of
Vienna, is said to have complained to the same Con-
gregation of the opening of a house of these Ladies
in his city without any consultation with him, and to
have asked what was to be done. Besides impru-
dence in spreading too fast, they seem to have
neglected to obtain the leave of the Ordinary, which
was then necessary even for exempt Religious. Ac-
XX Introduction.
cordingly, in that year a Congregation was held, and
it was ordered that the Apostohc Nuncios in various
parts should be instructed to suppress all these
houses. At the same time the General of the Society
of Jesus was ordered to forbid his subjects to take
any part in the direction of these communities. This
order was given, it is said, because the English
Virgins made a boast of being under the direction
of the Fathers of the Society, whereas, as the archives
here quoted say, St. Ignatius, in the well-known case
of Isabella Rosella, obtained from the Pope an order
that the members of his Society should be for ever
freed from the charge of the direction of religious
women.
I may pause here to remark that the impression
given in the present volume as to the attitude of the
General and authorities of the Society towards Mary
Ward and her companions is, that they treated her
and hers with great personal kindness, but at the
same time, with marked reserve and coldness as to
her plans. It is clear that it was a common topic
among the adversaries of Mary Ward in the ranks
of the English Clergy, that they were at least secretly
supported by some of the Fathers of the Society.
Here again we are without any full information as to
the facts of the case in England, where it is quite
certain, at least, that the authorities of the Society
thought it worth while to issue stringent orders
Introduction. xxi
against anything that might bear the appearance of
a justification of the charge. It is also certain that
Mary Ward herself considered the authorities of the
Society as hostile to her. It may be considered as
showing the strong influence of the enemies of Mary
Ward, who were, at the same time, unfriendly to the
Society, that an order such as that here mentioned
should have been given to the Father General.
Another proof of the same influence is the use of
the name " Jesuitesses" in the Bull of Suppres-
sion, a name which the ladies in question never
assumed.
To proceed with the account given in the Bull of
Pope Benedict. In 1629, we are told, some of the
houses of the Institute were suppressed by the efforts
of the Nuncios at St. Omer, Liege, and Cologne.
When the Nuncio at Cologne attempted to suppress
the house at Treves, there appeared a "certain woman
named Campian" — this is our friend Winefrid Wig-
more — " calling herself a Visitor of the Institute in
question, and armed with letters patent from the
pretended Superior General, Mary Ward, who op-
posed with great force and contention the efforts of
the Nuncio. For Mary, being still at Rome, as soon
as she understood the purport of the Pontifical com-
mands, determined to hinder their taking effect to
the utmost of her power, and sent Encyclical letters
to her subjects everywhere telling them not to obey.
xxii Introduction.
This made the Papal Nuncio at Cologne desist from
his attempt."
It seems, moreover, from this account, that it was
this difficulty at Treves that brought about the final
Suppression by means of the Bull of Urban VIII.
The Nuncio at Cologne wrote to Rome, and at the
same time Cardinal Klessel continued his requests
for instructions as to the house at Vienna. The Bull
tells us that houses had already been suppressed at
Bologna, Fossombrone, and Rome, after having
been constituted " clam." The word " clam " has
been already explained. The history contained in
the present volume makes no mention of a house at
Bologna. Perhaps it is a clerical error for Perugia.
Nor can I trace the other name, but as Naples is
not mentioned, and as the house there was suppressed
in 1629, it is probable that that house is meant.
The Archives at Rome would have no official docu-
ments concerning what was done at a distance, and
all through this statement we find the most perfect
substantial accuracy, accompanied by great vagueness
as to such details and large omissions. Benedict XIV.
proceeds to say that a new Congregation was now
held by the Holy Office, from which ultimately
emanated the Letters of Urban VIII. suppressing
the Institute. Over this we need not linger. The
paragraph ends by saying that orders were given
for the imprisonment of Mary Ward and the afore-
Introduction. xxiii
said Campian. It says that Mary had in the mean-
time gone to Belgium. This must be a mistake for
Campian, or Winefrid Wigmore. Mary was not in
Belgium at all at this time, though when she left
Rome, it may have been understood that she intended
going to that country.
We must here very largely supplement the state-
ments drawn from the archives of the Congregation,
which, as has been already said, could not possibly
contain the details of Mary Ward's movements and
proceedings at a distance from Rome. It must also
be remembered, that the account given in the Bull
of Pope Benedict is only a summary of what the
archives contained, made a century and more after
the events. Such a summary, drawn up by persons
to whom the subject-matter of the documents was
not familiar, would almost certainly miss some im-
portant details and give prominence to others not so
important. Mary Ward, after founding her houses
in Bavaria and Austria with great promise of success,
on account of the very favourable manner in which
she had been welcomed by the Elector and the
Emperor, had gone to Rome in 1629 to plead the
cause of her Institute for the last time before a
tribunal of Cardinals specially nominated by the
Pope, from whom she always received the greatest
personal kindness. (An account of this audience
will be found in c. i. of Book vii. pp. 290 seq.). It was
xxiv Introduction.
then that she found, as we are told, that if she would
abandon two points in her Institute which she
deemed essential, the government by one Head,
directly subject to the Pope, and the non-enclosure,
she might have obtained the sanction which she
sought. But on both of these points she would
make no concession. It was now, if ever, that Mary
wrote the letters mentioned in a preceding paragraph,
enjoining on her subjects not to obey the decrees
already issued, emanating from the Congregation
held in 1628. But I shall return, presently, to the
subject of these letters.
Unfortunately, the exact date of this last audience
of Mary Ward is not given. After a short interval
she' again left Rome and returned by Venice to
Munich. In the meanwhile great troubles had
occurred in the houses in Flanders. The account
given of these is that many of the Sisters and some
of the Superiors were for making terms for them-
selves with the authorities, abandoning Mary Ward,
and setting up, as it seems, an Institute of their own.
On this Mary sent Winefrid Wigmore to Liege as
her representative, to endeavour to calm the storm,
and it may seem a not unreasonable conjecture that
the letters which are spoken of in the Bull of Bene-
dict as having been intended to combat the execution
of the order of dissolution, may have been letters
■conveyed by Winefrid exhorting the subjects in ques-
Introduction. xxv
tion to remain faithful to their Institute. Of this,
however, presently. We are left almost entirely to
conjecture and reasoning on this matter, as no letters
are forthcoming, and these proceedings at Liege are
veiled in much obscurity.
It is, at least, certain, that Mary did not go to
Belgium at this time. She went to Vienna, with
the view of there awaiting in tranquillity and resig-
nation the final decree of the Holy See, which she
anticipated. It was there that she met for the last
time her saintly friend and adviser, Father Domenico
di Gesu, who died February i6, 1630. It was there,
in the course of 1630, that she heard of the rumour
that the Suppression was decided on, and that she
herself was to be dealt with as a heretic. It was on
the receipt of the rumour, as it appears — and it was
as yet no more than a rumour — that she wrote the
letter to Cardinal Borghese, who had before be-
friended her, mentioned in p. 329, and the touching
memorial to Urban himself, printed in p. 330. But
she did more than this. For, knowing that at Vienna,
the Emperor would probably interfere to hinder the
execution of any decree against herself, she volun-
tarily left that city and went to Munich. The Bavarian
Elector was, as she knew, too scrupulously conscien-
tious to think of opposing any obstacle to the will
of the Pope. The Letters of Suppression were signed
by Urban on the following January 13th, and they
xxvi Introduction.
reached Munich soon after. Mary Ward was "im-
prisoned" on February 7, 163^. Before the Bull
arrived at Munich, she had already anticipated it by
issuing circulars to all the houses urging in the
strongest way the absolute and perfect submission
to its commands. The proof of this anticipation of
the order of the Pope is contained, among other
sources, in the second letter which she wrote from
her prison on the lOth of February, in which she
mentions the issue of the former circulars. There is
no doubt at all as to these facts.
It must be added that, whatever may be thought
about the former letters of which the Bull speaks as
having been issued by Mary Ward, the facts about
the circulars of which we now speak are confirmed
by Benedict XIV. His Bull entirely omits the whole
story of the detention of Mary Ward in the Anger
Convent, and her liberation by the order of the Pope.
Indeed, the archives at Rome could hardly be ex-
pected to contain anything of this kind. All the
proceedings were conducted at a distance from Rome.
The narrative in the Bull supposes Mary to have gone
to Belgium, and it is quite possible, as will be seen by
the readers of this history, that when she left Rome
she had intended to go thither. As a matter of fact,
she never went further than Munich.
The Bull adds that she and Winefrid were brought
to Rome, and kept there at the expense of the Pope
Introduction. xxvii
in libera ciistodia. There is nothing here inconsistent
with the narrative in this volume, although nothing
is said about the kindness shown by Urban VIII. to
Mary except that she and her companion were
" received with clemency." Again, it is said that, as
it turned out that as Mary had revoked tempestive
the letters which she had written by sending others,
and that as Winefrid had rather been carried away by
womanly levity and impetuosity than erred through
malice, they were allowed to live together, their
method of life was carefully examined, and, as it is
implied, not disapproved. It is added that Mary
Ward, after having tried in vain the baths of San
Cassiano, with leave of the Holy Congregation, was
allowed to leave Italy for Liege cum sito comitatu,
as having on former occasions found the air there
beneficial to her health. The words " cum siio comi-
tatu " indirectly confirm the important fact, as stated
in the present volume, that Mary lived in Rome
with her companions in a community of their own.
The readers of the following pages will find in
them a great deal more than is here said of the
kindness of the Pope, of his permission given to
Mary to have her companions living with her as a
community under his own eye, of her further journey
to England, furnished with commendatory letters to
Nuncios and other great people, and the like, and
of her communications with Urban VIII. both before
xxviii Introduction.
and after her arrival in England. She went to that
country with commendatory letters to the Queen from
Cardinal Barberini. It must again be repeated, that
all these things could find no place in the archives
of the Holy Office or of the Propaganda, nor, if they
could have been there, would they have been quoted
in the very brief summary of her case given by
Benedict XIV. But it may confidently be said that
the full history here given is sufficiently confirmed
by the words of the later Pope, and that the two
stories in no way contradict one the other. They
are not, in truth, two stories, but different parts of
the same story.
As far, therefore, as Mary Ward herself is con-
cerned, there is but one statement in the Bull of
Benedict XIV. which can be considered as casting
any imputation upon her. That statement refers to
the letters which she is said to have written en-
couraging her subjects to resist, not the Letters of
Suppression, but the orders given by the Holy See
to the Nuncios to dissolve the several houses before
the Suppression was publicly decreed. These orders
were given, of course, before the Letters of Suppres-
sion existed. They were private instructions to the
Nuncios. Even these letters Mary is said to
have revoked teinpestive. The proper meaning of
this expression is that she recalled them in due
time, not simply that she recalled them soon. And
Introduction. xxix
it may well be supposed that, when the order
for her imprisonment was given, this was not
known, as indeed it could not have been known, at
Rome. Pope Benedict says nothing at all, of her
being imprisoned " as a heretic and a schismatic."
The probability seems to be that any one whose
detention was ordered by the Holy Office would be
imprisoned under such a title, but there is not the
slightest evidence that any charge of heresy or schism
was sanctioned against her. We have, on the other
hand, the distinct and formal exculpation of the
English Ladies from such a charge, by the Secretary
of the Holy Office, given at p. 410. The letter says
that Mary and her companions " have most readily
obeyed what our Holy Lord commanded concerning
the suppression of their Institute, to the entire satis-
faction of their Eminences. . . . Also, if your Holiness
should be questioned, you may affirm that in this
Holy Tribunal, the English Ladies who have lived
under the Institute of Donna Maria della Guardia,
are not found, nor ever have been found, guilty of
any failure which regards the holy and orthodox
Catholic faith."
We may fairly take the short and, in some re-
spects, imperfect account of the Suppression given
us in the Bull of Pope Benedict as setting forth the
principal motives by which the Roman authorities
were guided in the action which they finally adopted.
XXX Introduction.
I gather from this Bull that it had been intended
to avoid the necessity for any Bull of Suppression,
by dissolving the several houses of the Institute
silently. It would thus have died out, and the
members might have been induced to transfer them-
selves to orders recognized in the Church, or their
cases might have been dealt with singly. It also
appears, from the narrative of Pope Benedict, that
the reason why this course of comparative indulgence
was abandoned is to be found mainly in the dis-
turbances at Liege. The letters of which we are
now speaking, and which are said to have been
written by Mary Ward before her departure from
Rome, are not indeed directly stated to have been
addressed to the communities in Flanders. But as
they are said to have produced, or helped to produce,
the effect of forcing the Nuncio at Liege to suspend
his action, it is clear that they were in some way
connected with these disturbances there. Those who
examined the archives at Rome in the time of Pope
Benedict seem to have thought that Mary herself
was at Liege at this time, and even that it was there
that her imprisonment took place. This is a mistake.
She went to Vienna and Munich, and sent her faith-
ful follower Winefrid Wigmore, as is indeed stated
in the Bull before us, to represent her at Liege.
Whatever was done there was in the absence of
Mary, and as far as we can gather, entirely contrary
Introduction. xxxi
to her wishes and entreaties. We are confirmed in
the supposition that the troubles at Liege were the
final occasion of the Letters of Suppression, by the
fact that that document mentions the Apostolic
Nuncio in Lower Germany as having been instructed
to bring about the dissolution of the houses, and as
not having succeeded in the discharge of the com-
mission entrusted to him.
An account of the disturbances caused by those
who are called the disaffected Sisters at Liege will
be found in the following pages (see pp. 313, 314).
It appears that several of the members of the Insti-
tute in that city had been prevailed upon to enter-
tain the plan of giving up the work as it had been
formed by Mary Ward, and of obtaining the Pon-
tifical sanction for something different, hoping thus
to avert the entire suppression with which they were
threatened. It was to avert this danger that Father
Gerard seems to have written his long letter or trea-
tise of remonstrance, which was sent to Mary Poyntz,
and by her to others. It was to avert this mischief
that Mary herself sent Winefrid Wigmore to Liege,
too late to prevent the division. It is of these dis-
sentient members that Mary Poyntz said that "they
perhaps did not fail through malice, and that they
suffered great remorse of conscience." This might
well be the case, as the author of this volume adds,
since it would appear that, instead of averting what
xxxii Introduction.
they feared, "they gave at Rome, by their negotia-
tions, and among those inimical to the Institute, the
impression of seeking to oppose the action of the
Nuncio in obedience to the Holy Office, bringing
upon Mary the odium, and upon themselves more
surely the final Bull of Suppression, as its words
show." Winefrid was sent to calm the storm, not
to aggravate it, but she arrived too late, as well
as the letter of Father Gerard. And the Nuncio,
having already desisted from his attempt to carry
out the quiet suppression of the community there,
had written to Rome, as we may fairly conjecture,
the complaining letters on the receipt of which the
Holy See acted at once. It was this, as we are
informed both by the Bull of Suppression itself,
and by the later Bull of Pope Benedict, which
made the further and stronger action of the Holy
See appear necessary. The language of the account
given in the last of these two Bulls seems to suggest
the idea that it is drawn from some report sent to
the Holy Office from the Nuncio at Liege, and thus
it confirms the supposition that some such complaint
was the principal and immediate cause of the Bull
of Suppression.
The whole story of these troubles at Liege, as
far as we have it in the Lives of Mary Ward, is so
obscure that we cannot hope to trace exactly what
part it might have been supposed Mary herself had
Introduction. xxxiii
in it, in consequence of the effect of the letters which
are spoken of, not in the Bull of Suppression, but in
that published a century and more after the time by-
Pope Benedict. All that Pope Urban says is that
the Nuncio had failed in persuading the Ladies in
question to give up their way of life. We know that
Liege was not only the residence of the Papal Nuncio,
but that its Prince-Bishop was a prelate of great dis-
tinction and position, and had published a document,
of which a copy is given in the present volume, in
which he took the English Ladies under his special
protection. There is also a document to the same
purpose from the Nuncio himself This Prince-
Bishop was Ferdinand of Bavaria, brother to the
Elector, who was Mary's great friend. We find
Ferdinand himself spoken of later on in the narra-
tive as an old and trusted friend. Mary Ward went
to see him on her last journey to England in 1638,
and it is even thought that she then projected, with
his approval, a new house for her Sisters. In any
case, the Prince-Bishop was, all through, a great
friend and patron.
If we ask ourselves — for we are practically
reduced to conjecture on this most important point
of fact — what was the purport of the letters from
Mary Ward, of which the Bull of Pope Benedict
speaks, the alternatives before us are not many.
It may be considered as improbable in the high-
c
xxxlv Introduction.
est degree, that she should have urged any open
resistance to the orders emanating from Rome.
Such a course would have been foolish as well as
wrong, and it would also have been entirely out
of keeping with her character. In the darkest mo-
ments of her imprisonment at Munich, and when she
thought, and when all others thought, that she was
on the very brink of death, she refused, even at the
risk of dying without the last sacraments, to sign a
paper presented to her, in which she was made to
say that, if she had ever said or done anything
contrary to the faith or Holy Church she repented
and was sorry for it. The reason which she gave
for this refusal was that, by signing such a paper,
she would be casting a slur on a great many innocent
and deserving persons, of whom her words would
imply that they also had been guilty of the fault
spoken of It turned out, when she asked whether
the Pope or the Holy Office required this signa-
ture, that she was told that they did not. She
wrote her own dying declaration, as she deemed it,
stating positively that she "had never said or done
anything, either great or small, against His Holiness,
... or the authority of Holy Church." This is not
the language of one who a short time before had
written letters advising open and contumacious resist-
ance to direct orders of the Pope. '
What it appears possible that Alary Ward may
Introduction. xxxv
have done in the letters of which we are speaking,
is this. She may, at the time when she discovered
that the intention at Rome was that the dissolution
of the Houses of the Institute should be carried
out by the action of the Nuncios in the various
countries, have written letters recommending the
communities to shield themselves, as long as possible,
under the protection of the Ordinaries, and thus at
least delay the execution of a sentence which she
might still hope finally to avert. If these letters
produced any effect at all at Liege, it would be
in the way of encouraging the community to shelter
themselves under the authority of the Prince-Bishop,
and it is, indeed, difficult to imagine any other way
in which a defenceless set of religious women could
have opposed any such resistance to the efforts of
the Papal Nuncio for their suppression. This con-
jecture seems all the more probable, as we know that
the Prince-Bishop was a prelate of immense power,
as he held secular as well as ecclesiastical juris-
diction, and that he was also a devoted friend to
Mary and her Institute.
As a matter of history, we are told that on
April 30th of this same year, the Bull of Suppression
was carried out by the command, not of the Papal
Nuncio, but of the Prince-Bishop of Liege. It does
not seem impossible that the facts may turn out to
be, that Ferdinand was reluctant, in the first instance,
xxxvi Itih'oduction.
to consent to the suppression by the Nuncio, and
that this may have been attributed to these letters of
Mary Ward's. The lives of some of the saints contain
similar instances of qualified opposition to Pontifical
orders, which, after all, simply amount to what we
commonly speak of as using all the forms of law to
delay a dreaded sentence. I need not here go at
any length into this question, as we have really no
evidence, but conjecture only, as to what was the
purport of these letters spoken of in the Bull of
Pope Benedict as having been written by Mary
Ward. It will be enough to cite an instance which
occurred at Rome itself, within a few years of the
date of which we are speaking, and which must
have passed under the vigilant eye of Pope Benedict
himself, when he filled the important office called
that of the Promoter of the Faith. I quote from
the memorial of Cardinal Calini, addressed to
Pius VI. in 1780.
The Cardinal there says: "Two letters of St. Joseph
Calasanctius are extant, inserted in the summary
of the Process of his Beatification in 17 16, when
Mgr. Lambertini, who afterwards became Pope, a
man profoundly versed in such matters, was Pro-
moter of the Faith. The servant of God, who was
General at the time of the Scholcs Pics, although
deprived of the exercises of that charge, wrote these
letters expressly to encourage the religious to follow
Introduction. xxxvii
the Institute until the Brief [of abolition of the
Institute as a religious order] should be communi-
cated to them by the Bishops, because, in virtue of
the Brief of Abolition issued by Innocent X., the
Ordinaries of the various places were charged to
communicate it to the Schools. Lambertini, with
reference to these letters, made no remark im-
plying suspicion that the principles of the writer
were erroneous or at variance with the obedi-
ence due to the decisions of the Holy See. More-
over, it is stated in the Life of the Saint printed
at Rome, at the printing press of St. Michele
in Ripa, and written by a religious of the Scholcz
Pi(^, that the holy General, then very old, foreseeing
the fatal blow, despatched the Venerable Brother
Humphrey of the Blessed Sacram.ent to Poland, and
other northern countries where their schools were
more numerous, in order to procure that the Brief
should not be published in those countries, as in
effect it was not" If Mary Ward had done in
her letters what St. Joseph Calasanctius did, her
action might have been spoken of in strong terms
in the report of the Nuncio to Rome. On the other
hand, if she had done more than this, we might
expect to find some stronger language used in the
Bull of Pope Urban, than that which is actually
used. Nothing more is said than that the Nuncio
had not been able to persuade the communities in
xxxviii Introduction.
question to lay aside their manner of life. Mary's
own dying declaration will support this view of the
case in the minds of all who honour her.
The language of the Bull of Pope Benedict XIV.,
of which I am speaking, is undoubtedly severe in
regard to Mary Ward, and in this it differs greatly
from the language of Pope Urban VIII. Pope Urban
names no one at all in his Letters. But it must
be remembered that Benedict had before him none of
the information concerning Mary's character which we
possess, and that he had to deal with a state of
things which could not be otherwise than annoying
to one in his position. He saw that the recent act
of Clement XL, by which the Rules of the Institute
of the Blessed Virgin Mary had been formally
sanctioned, had been interpreted in some quarters
as a reversal of the condemnation of the Institute
by Urban VIII. He was told that people were using
language as if the old Institute of the " Jesuitesses"
had been restored. He w^as informed of what looked
like a regular ailtus of Mary Ward established among
the religious who claimed to descend lineally from
her. All this looked like an attempt to claim that
the action of Urban VIIL had been directly
reversed. These were facts which a Pontiff like Bene-
dict XIV. was not likely to deal with indulgently,
and he did what was most natural under the cir-
cumstances in insisting on the legal view of Mary's
Introduction. xxxix
case as far as that could be gathered from the
archives of the Congregations.
The reader will find in the concluding book of
this history, the remarks that it is thought necessary
to make about the question of continuity or non-
continuity between the Institute which Urban abol-
ished and that the rule of which Clement approved.
It is quite clear, and this is drawn out by Benedict
XIV., that when the Institute of the English Virgins
was sanctioned, in the degree already mentioned by
Clement XL, that is, when its rules were approved,
every care was taken by the petitioners for that ap-
proval to keep out of sight in any public document
any claim whatsoever to that continuity. As far as the
petition for approval goes, the Institute originally
begun by Mary Ward and her companions might
have had no existence at all. The " English Virgins "
are described as Noble Ladies driven from their own
land by persecution, who had taken refuge in Bavaria
many years before the time of the petition, who had
founded a house or Conservatory in which they lived
under a kind of rule, and in which they had devoted
themselves to the education of girls, and other works
of piety. It cannot be questioned that the petition
of the Duke Elector, their protector, must have been
carefully framed, so as to omit any reference to the
former Institute, and thus to avoid the slightest
appearance of asking the Holy See to go back on
xl Introduction.
what it had done in the time of Urban. It may
have been perfectly well understood that this caution
was necessary in order to gain the consent of the
Holy See.
Benedict XIV. had thus no difficulty in insisting
on the legal and ecclesiastical distinction between the
two Institutes, and we cannot doubt that the advisers
of the Elector Maximilian were prompted by the
truest prudence in the wording of their request. It
by no means follows that, either in Munich or
at Rome, the fact was unknown, that the English
Virgins were, so to say, the lineal descendants of the
companions of Mary Ward, that they were in pos-
session, as the present volumes sufficiently show, of a
great mass of documents and traditions of the elder
Institute which they considered their greatest trea-
sures, and that they regarded Mary herself, though
not as their recognized Foundress, at least as the
" Mother " under God to whom their existence was in
the first instance owing. In all this they were
perfectly free, as their successors in the Institute are
perfectly free. But, the moment they went beyond
the historical and moral debt which they owed to
her, they might seem to be calling in question the
wisdom of the action of the Holy See in regard to-
her and to her Institute, and from this they prudently
refrained.
This prudent silence and abstention was enough
Introduction. xli
to satisfy the Holy See. The enemies of Mary had
long passed away. There could be no desire, either in
England or at Rome, to persecute any memory, least
of all that of one who, if she had once failed in
a point of conduct — a matter as to which docu-
mentary evidence is very deficient — certainly, and
by the acknowledgment of all, at once redeemed
her mistake, one who was treated with marked
favour by the very Pope who had shattered her
work, one who closed, as far as man can judge, a holy
and laborious life by a death precious in the sight of
God. The silence which it was right to maintain in
all official acts and documents concerning the connec-
tion between the members of the shattered Institute
of which Mary had been the authoress, and the
community for which the approbation of the Holy
See was at last obtained, did not impose the obli-
gation of covering her memory w^ith any veil of
perpetual darkness. Nor can we suppose it at all
probable that, when Pope Clement approved of the
Rule of the English Virgins, he was ignorant of
the spiritual ancestry of the beautiful and fruitful
Institute which then for the first time obtained formal
recognition at the hands of the Church.
The history of the centuries which have passed
since the days of Mary Ward, and especially the
history of the Catholic Church in England since
these days, suffice to show us that the work which
xlii Introduction.
she aimed at introducing into this country could not
have flourished, in the manner and form which her
sanguine mind had given to it. Her great reason for
the refusal, in which she persevered to the end, of the
rule of enclosure, was the hope of working among
her own countrymen at a time when there could be
no formally constituted convents. Yet it is certain
that her design could not have been carried out, even
if she had not been so strongly opposed by the clergy
in England. The time had not yet come for the
freedom which would have been essential for the
very existence of her Institute. On the other hand,
the storms and afflictions under which the Institute
of the Blessed Virgin came into the world, the long
night of bare or tacit toleration, the opposition,
and, in a certain sense, the disgrace under which
it had to force its way, may well be thought
to have made it the hardy and vigorous plant
which we now see it to be. In our own days it
has spread all over the world, and has become one
of the most useful of the Institutes which adorn
the Church. The grain of wheat had to sink into
the earth and die, and then it became capable of
bearing much fruit Moreover, Mary fought the
battle for others like herself The lines on which
she strove in vain to build have been the plat-
form for scores of similar undertakings. Other
similar works have flourished at once, and in a few
lntroductio7i. xliii
generations have already become old and lost their
first strength. If Mary Ward could have foreseen
the ultimate success of her work, as it was to be, she
might not indeed have laboured more devotedly or
more hopefully under the terrible trials to which she
was subjected, but she would at least have rejoiced
and given thanks to God for the immense reward
which her sufferings were to merit and at last to
receive. May the work thus nurtured in the storm,
and rescued or recalled from the grave, hardened and
knit together by obloquy and persecution, continue
to show, until the end of time, that strength of
abiding life and fruitfulness which belongs to the
choicest objects of the love of Heaven ! And may
the children of the Institute of the Blessed Virgin
learn, from the life of the devoted soul whose
history is here sketched, the many lessons of
humility, charity, courage, and obedience, which
are necessary for all those who undertake a work
like theirs !
H. J. C.
31, Farm Street, Berkeley Square.
Feast of St. Anne, i88j.
CONTENTS.
Introduction
BOOK THE FIFTH.
THE INSTITUTE IN ITALY.
Chapter I.
Early Days in Rome.
1622.
Difficulties on arrival
First arrangements.
Pope Gregory XV.
Kind reception of Mary .
She lays open her plans at once
Novel position
Semi-religious dress of herself
and her companions .
Surprise of the Italians .
Mary's straightforwardness .
Memorial to Gregory XV.
Prepares for another interview
The General of the Jesuits,
Mutius Vitelleschi
His correspondence with
Father Blount .
Prohibition as to the English
Virgins
Mary's visit to the General
Statement concerning her
choice of Rule .
Opinions of the General .
Life of Mary and her com-
panions in Rome
13
PAGE
Friends there few . . .19
The Oblates of St. Frances . 20
Epidemic in Mary's household 21
Chapter II.
Work in England.
1622.
Mary's intentions for England 21
Her companions there . . 22
Frances Brookesby . . 23
Her vocation to the Institute . 24
Way of life of other members 25
Sister Dorothea . . -25
The Timperleys . . .26
Sister Dorothea's narrative . 27
Her various works of charity . 28
Excommunicated by the Pro-
testants . . . .29
Change of abode . . .29
The oath of allegiance . . 30
Four conversions . . -31
Reformation of a household . 32
Taken before a Justice . . 33
Questioned and dismissed . 34
Fears discovery in London . 35
Further conversions . . 35
Mr. Palmer and Mrs. Arendall 36
Contents.
xlv
PAGE
Discussions on Mary Ward
and her Company . . 37
Defended by Lady Timperley 38
Advice given to Sister Dorothea 39
Chapter III.
" Jerusalem."
1622.
The Rev. John Bennett .
State of the Englisli Catholics
Cause of the number of Mary's
opponents ....
Divisions as to the appoint-
ment of a Bishop
Memorial of the English Clergy
against the Jesuitesses
Charges against the Institute .
Answer to some of the charges
Modern Congregations of v^'o-
men approved by the Church
Confirmation of the Institute
practically impossible when
first asked ....
Injurious effects of the charges
Dr. Kellison's Report
Mary's friends
Father Andrew White .
His value for the Institute
Gift of money for its further-
ance
Conditions ....
"Jerusalem". . . ,
Chapter IV.
The Institute on trial.
1622, 1623.
State of Mary's affairs at Rome
Letters of Rev. John Bennett ,
Impressions produced by
Mary's line of action.
Memorial of English Clergy
laid before the Pope .
Mary's petition to the Con-
gregation of Regulars . ,
61
62
63
Reasons for petition to open
a house in Rome
Difficulty of the undertaking .
Petition granted
Barbara Ward's illness .
Mary sends for Sisters from
Liege .....
Style of her letters .
Letter to Barbara Babthorpe .
Teachers and plan for public
schools in Rome .
Chapter V.
A Holy Death.
1622, 1623.
Margaret Horde's narratives .
Sufferings of Barbara Ward .
Her virtues ....
Her ardent love of God .
Mary's state of feeling .
Sympathy in Rome for her
and her sister .
Barbara's last moments and
dying words
Mary's resignation .
Occurrences at Barbara's burial
Chapter VI.
A House at Naples.
1623.
Barbara Ward's estimate of
Mary's character
Mary's power of winning others
Cardinal Bandino .
Cardinal Trescio's way of life
Cardinal Gimnasio .
Cardinal Zolleren .
The Institute and its work
little understood in Rome
Cardinal Mellino .
His watchful observation of
the English Ladies .
Father Gerard in Rome
64
65
66
67
68
69
69
71
72
73
73
74
75
76
17
78
79
81
82
83
84
87
87
xlvi
Cofiteiits.
Plan for extension of the In-
stitute .... 90
No means of help . . 91
The authorities at Naples . 92
Mary Ward's journeys . . 93
Travelling companions and
equipage .... 94,
Poverty and illness on arrival 94
A visit and its results \ . 95
The Neapolitan hotise . . 96
Troubles at Liege . . 97
Letter to Barbara Babthorpe 98
Mary leaves Winefrid Wig-
more at Naples . , 99
Letter to her from Rome . 99
Chapter VIL
Two months' work in the Holy
City.
1623, 1624.
Death of Gregory XV. . . loi
Invitation to Perugia , . 102
Letter from Margaret Horde 103
' ' The Doleful Evensong " . 104
Letter to Susanna Rookwood 105
Recommendatory letters from
Cardinals .... 106
Consoling letter to Winefrid 108
Troubles in Flanders . . 109
The Prince-Bishop of Liege
and the Papal Nuncio write
in favour of the Institute . 110
Father Blount's orders from
the General of the Jesuits . 112
Consequences to the Institute 113
Chapter VIII.
Pervgia.
1624.
Journey to Perugia .
114
Letter to Father Coffin
"5
Reception by the Bishop
117
Poverty
118
Kind thoughts for others
119
Failing health
Death and character of Su
sanna Rookwood
Winefrid Vice-Superior
Postulants at Naples .
Mary's illness. She goes to
S. Cassiano
Cure of Cardinal Trescio
Effects of her prayers .
Progress at Perugia
Elisabeth Wigmore
Letter to Winefrid
Death of the Bishop of Peru
Chapter IX.
A Struggle for Life,
1624, 1625.
Mary returns to Rome .
Urban VIII.
Letter to Winefrid
Audience with the Pope
Prevision of trials
Caution is urged .
A Congregation of Cardinals
appointed .
Little hope of success .
Mary's reasons for persever
ing .
The Rev. Thomas Rant
Critical position of the In
stitute
Mary's ' ' loneliness "
No advocate for her cause
Opinion of Suarez
Of Lessius .
Father Burton's Treatise
Takes the same view
Lessius
Life of our Lady the model
followed .
Letter to Winefrid concern'
ing Treatise
Cardinal Borghese
Memorial to the Cardinal
PAGE
120
Co7itents.
xlvii
The dreaded decree post-
poned
Mary's account to Winefrid .
The war in the Valtelline
Distress in Rome .
156
157
158
159
Chapter X,
Some results of the Holy Year.
1625.
Poverty of the houses . . 161
Letter of Margaret Horde . 162
Princess Constanza Barberini 164
Visit to San Cassiano . . 165
Want of money for journey . 166
Mary's commendation of
Winefrid .... 167
Rant's letters . . . 168
More charges brought for-
ward ..... 169
PAGE
The schools closed . . 171
Mary's silence and submission 172
Rant's instructions to his
successor ....
17^
Christmas wishes to Winefrid
174
The Holy Year .
^IS
Opening of the Jubilee .
176
Mary at the Quarant' Ore .
177
An ecstasy ....
178
Spiritual favours at various
churches ....
I7q
Cure of Dr. Ferro .
181
NOTES TO BOOK V.
Note I. Memorial of the
English Cle}-gy . .183
Note n. Letter of Ferdinand
of Bavaria . . . 187
Note HI. Letter of the Apos-
tolic Nuncio . , . 189
BOOK THE SIXTH.
THE INSTITUTE IN GERMANY.
Chapter I.
Cardinal Federigo Borro-
Through the Tyrol to Mtmich.
nieo's kindness .
204
Mary receives letters .
206
1626.
Prepares to cross the Alps .
207
Mary visits Naples .
193
Arrives at Feldkirch and pro-
Her generosity . . .
194
ceeds to the church .
208
Return to Rome .
19s
Ecstatic prayer there .
209
Interior sight of future suffer-
Vision concerning Charles I.
209
ing
196
Inhabitants crowd to her
210
Determines to go to England
196
Received by Archduke Leo-
Choice of route .
197
pold at Innspruck
211
Reasons for that vi& Germany
198
Embarks on the Inn
211
Recommendatory letters
199
Is shown interiorly the future
Intentions for obtaining them
200
Confirmation of the Insti-
Reception by the Grand Du-
tute
212
chess of Tuscany
201
Anna Griinwaldin and Mary's
The Duchess of Parma and
prediction ....
214
others ....
202
Meditation before arriving at
Arrival at Milan . .
203
Munich ....
215
dviii
Contents.
Chapter II.
The Paradeiser Haus.
1627.
Tradition in Bavaria .
Maximilian I. . , •
The Electress Elisabeth
Mary's first audience .
The Paradeiser Haus granted
by Maximilian .
Selection of Sisters for Ba-
varia
Letter to Barbara Babthorpe
Letter of Father Gerard
His counsel to Mary
The English Ladies dispar-
aged to the Elector .
He gives them a yearly
revenue
His gracious words to Mary
Winefrid Bedingfield and
Cicely Morgan .
Anna Rorlin and Catharina
Kochin ....
Letter to Winefrid Beding-
field
Letter to Naples .
217
217
219
220
222
224
227
231
233
234
234
23.5
236
237
239
Chapter III.
Foundations in A tt stria and
Hungary.
1627, 1628.
The Emperor Ferdinand II.
He invites Mary to Vienna .
Change of Superiors
Letters of the General and
Jesuit Fathers .
The Elector writes to Ferdi-
nand
The Emperor founds the
house for the English
Ladies ....
"^Mary's watchful care for the
whole Institute . . . 247
—Novitiate at Naples . . 249
241
242
243
244
245
246
The Institute invited to Pres-
burg
Cardinal Pazmanny
Count Adolph Althan .
Desires a foundation at
Prague ....
Winefrid Wigmore sum-
moned to Bavaria
Mary welcomes her
Progress at Prague
Letter of Barbara Babthorpe
from Presburg .
Community and schools there
Chapter IV.
Suspense.
1628.
Cardinal Harrach's opposi-
tion .....
Father Valerio de' Magni
Cardinal Klessel writes to
Rome ....
Mary's partial knowledge of
events there
The Bishop of Bayreuth's
offer
Consequences of refusal
Sour wine made fit for use .
Attack of illness. Mary visits
Eger
She reviews her life when re-
covering ....
Her resolutions .
Our Lady's favours
Letter of Father Gerard
The foutidation at Prague
abandoned
The Countess Slavata .
Mary goes to Presburg.
Disperses a set of revellers .
Her firmness in adherence to
principle ....
Interview with Maximilian .
250
253
253
254
255
256
257
259
261
263
264
264
266
267
268
270
271
272
273
274
275
276
277
277
278
Contents.
xli
IX
BOOK THE SEVENTH.
SUPPRESSION OF THE INSTITUTE.
Chapter I.
Before the Cardinals.
1628, 1629.
Proposed journey to Rome . 281
Lack of Counsellors . . 282
Mary's dangerous illness . 283
Letter to Frances Brookesby 284
Mary leaves Munich . . 285
Between life and death on the
journey .... 286
Illness on arrival at Rome . 286
Dictates narrative of her
life 287
No steps yet taken against
the Institute . . . 287
Audience with Urban VIII. . 288
He names two delegates to
examine her cause . . 289
Appoints a Congregation of
Cardinals .... 290
Great need of an advocate . 291
Mary's preparatory measures 292
Her appearance before the
Congregation . . . 292
Chief points on which she
dwells .... 293
Effect on Cardinal Borgia . 294
Two features of plan indis-
pensable . . . . 295
Future results . . . 296
Mary refuses Cardinal Ban-
dino's advice . . . 297
Her magnanimity. . . 298
Determines to return to Ger-
many .... 299
Her device as to expenses . 300
Buys silk at Venice for altars
in Germany . . .301
d
Chapter II.
The Neapolitan and Flemish
Houses.
1629.
Disquieting news at Munich . 302
Mary goes to Vienna . . 303
Her letters intercepted . . 304
House at Naples dissolved . 305
Memorials sent thence to
Rome .... 306
Attempted division within the
Institute .... 308
Letter of Father Gerard . 308
Personal attack on Mary in-
tended .... 310
Letter written for the Sisters
at Liege .... 312
Disaffected members of the
Institute .... 313
Elisabeth Ward and others . 314
Winefrid Wigmore sent too
late 315
Mary Ward's character . 316
Conclusion of her letter . 317
Chapter III.
The Decree of the Holy Office.
1629 — 1631.
Mary's life at Vienna . . 318
Father Domenico di Gesia in
the city .... 319
His death .... 320
Mary's probable intercourse
with him .... 321
Spiritual trials . . . 321
Her demeanour under them . 323
Contents.
Her life in community . . 324
English novices . . . 325
Twins in religion . . . 326
Princess Mary Renata . . 327
First news of imprisonment . 328
Mary writes to Cardinal Bor-
ghese .... 329
Memorial to the Pope . . 330
Perfect forgiveness of oppo-
sers 332
The Emperor's protection . 332
Mary's return to Munich, and
illness . . . .333
Arrival of the decree . . 334
Chapter IV.
The Anger Convent.
1631.
Circular to the houses . . 336
Ursula TroUin . . . 356
Her reception as a novice . 337
Dean Golla's visit. . . 338
He explains his errand . . 339
Mary's conversation with
him 340
The Elector's conscientious-
ness ..... 341
Mary's feelings . . . 342
Departure from Paradeiser
Haus . . . .343
The Anger Nuns . . . 344
Orders they received . . 345
Mary's deportment . . 345
Her reception . . . 346
Mary's prison . . . 347
The first night . . . 348
Resolution to defend her in-
nocence .... 349
Warm feehngs of Mary Poyntz 349
Lemon-juice correspondence 350
Two only in the secret . . 351
Mary's notes from prison . 352
Deaths of opponents . . 353
Her charity towards them , 354
Describes her lodging .
Directions to the Sisters
Chapter V.
Release.
1631.
Memorials sent to Rome
Circular repeated to the
houses
Mary comforts her com
panions
Duplicate memorials .
Advice to Margaret Genison
Prayer for her adversaries
Fears discovery of correspon
dence
Has leave to attend Mass
Refusal of sacraments .
Violent illness
Danger of death .
Asks for last sacraments
The Dean's conditions .
Mary's refusal
Writes a declaration
Arrangements in case of death
Another memorial to Rome
False reports
Extreme Unction.
Mary carried to the church
Parting with her companions
Sudden recovery .
The Pope's mandate arrives
Death of Mary's friends
Her Sisters fetch her .
Palm Sunday at the Anger
A message from the Electress
Takes leave of the nuns
Two predictions and their ful
filment
Decision to go to Rome
Messages from Holy Office
Appeal to Urban .
Results of appeal .
Explanation of messages
PAGE
3SS
357
358
359
360
361
362
363
363
364
365
365
366
366
367
367
368
369
369
370
371
371
372
373
374
374
375
376
377
377
378
380
381
381
383
383
Contents.
Chapter VI.
The Bull of Pope Urban.
1631.
State of the Institute . . 385
Severity of sentence . . 386
Stringency shown in Flanders 387
Prediction as to Munich . 389
Maximilian's course of action 390
PAGE
Sufferings of Sisters . . 391
Food multiplied . . . 392
"Myjungfrau" . . . 393
Charge of heresy . . . 393
Suppression at Vienna and
Presburg . . . -395
Letter to Frances Brookesby 396
Loss of vocations . . . 396
Mary's state of mind , . 397
BOOK THE EIGHTH.
THE BEGINNING OF REVIVAL.
Chapter I.
The First Years after Suppression.
1632—1634.
Mary's Letters . . . 401
Disguised expressions . . 402
Points untouched by the Bull 403
Farewell at Munich . . 403
Audience with the Pope . 404
Requests and answers . . 405
Fears for Paradeiser Haus . 407
Intended return to Munich . 408
Seeks further vindication . 409
Letter of the Holy Office . 410
Change of intentions . . 411
Letter to Bishop Smith . 412
Arrival of Mary's companions 412
Favours shown them by
Urban .... 413
A larger house sought . . 414
Mary goes to Anticoli . . 415
Mary Poyntz at Braunau . 416
Her journey to Italy . . 417
Winefrid Bedingfield in
charge at Munich . . 418
Mary's welcome to Mary
Poyntz .... 419
Letters to Winefrid Beding-
field 420
The Roman household . . 421
Anxieties there . . . 422
Schools at Munich . . 423
Intercourse with the Elector. 424
Death of Joanna Brown . 425
Of Ellen Marshall . . 426
The victims of the Plague . 426
Death of Catharina Kochin . 427
Chapter II.
Last Troubles, Illnesses, and
fourneys.
1635—1638.
Mary's new house at Rome . 428
Death of Electress Elisabeth 429
Mary's suffering health . 430
Visit of Monsignor Bocca-
bella 431
Message from Urban . .431
Mary's answer . . . 432
Goes to San Cassiano . . 432
To Piano Castagnano . . 433
Letters to the Elector . . 434
Returns to the baths . . 435
Is closely watched . . 436
Indignation of visitors . . 437
Letter of Franciscan to Rome 437
Visits Monte Giovino . . 438
Complains to Urban . . 438
His gracious answer . . 439
Hi
Contents.
PAGE
Ursula Trollin's fidelity . 440
Letter concerning Munich
schools . . , •441
Last notes of meditations , 441
Projected return to England 443
Extreme illness . . . 443
Mary's fortitude . . . 444
Goes to Nettuno . . . 444
Attack of fever . . . 445
The Pope sends his last
blessing . . . • 4'?5
Intention of going to Spa . 446
Father Gerard's death . . 446
Urban's farewell words . 447
Journey through Italy . . 448
Crosses Mont Cenis . . 449
Winters in Paris . . . 450
Arrival at Li6ge . . . 450
Goes to Spa .... 451
Illness at Stavelot . -451
Interview with Ferdinand of
Bavaria .... 452
Chapter III.
Mary in England.
1638 — 1642.
Letter to Pope Urban . . 453
Cardinal Barberini writes to
Henrietta Maria . . 453
Mary's sufferings at Lifege . 454
Plan of work there . . 455
Visions at St. Omer . . 456
Arrival in England . . 457
Isabella Layton . . . 458
The new household . . 458
State of England . . , 459
Audience with the Queen , 459
Count Rosetti . . . 460
Mary's visitors . . . 461
Work of education . . 462
Letter to a parent . . 463
Helena Catesby . . . 463
Elisabeth Rookwood . . 464
Pursuivants' visits . . 465
Designs of fresh work . , 466
PAGE
Letter to Roman members . 466
Mrs. Porter .... 467
Preparations for schools . 468
Course of public events . 469
Letter to the Pope . . 470
To Cardinal Barberini . . 471
Decision to go into Yorkshire 472
Mary's last letter . . . 472
Chapter IV.
In Yorkshire once more.
1642— 1644.
Difficulties of removal . . 473
Leaves London . . . 474
Visits Ripley and Studley
Royal . . . .475
At Newby and Babthorpe . 476
House at Hutton Rudby . 477
Arrives there . . . 477
Mary's companions . . 478
Severe illness . . . 478
Pilgrimage to Mount Grace . 479
Raids of Parliamentarians . 480
Visit of troopers . . 480
Mary's love of the poor . 481
Devotion to the Holy Angels 482
Mary at Hewarth . . . 482
Visitors there . . . 484
Counsels to her companions . 484
New plans .... 485
Answer to prayer . . . 486
Receives martyrs' relics . 486
Siege of York . . . 487
Confidence in God . . 488
Mary in the city . . . 488
Protection from danger . 489
Returns to Hewarth . . 490
Chapter V.
Last Days.
1644, 1645.
Mary's sufferings , . . 491
Winefrjd's j ourney to London 492
Contents.
liii
Mary names the day of her
return
Assists at Christmas Masses
Last Confession and Com-
munion
Extreme Unction put off
Names Barbara Babthorpe to
succeed her
Consoles and sings with her
companions
Letter of Mary Poyntz .
Mary speaks of her wishes for
the Institute
Asks for a priest .
Farewell to her companions
Her death
Beauty returns in a few hours
Father Bissel's account
Last words and acts
Difficulties as to burial .
Funeral
A maligner punished .
Osbaldwick Church
Mary's grave and epitaph
The merchant Straker .
The grave opened
Uncertainty as to her
mains
Chapter VI.
After Marys death.
1645—1703-
The two Institutes
Esprit de corps among old
members .
New beginning tolerated
This view reasonable .
Followed in present work
Mary's companions at He
warth
Resolve to go to Paris .
Gift of the Marquis of Wor-
cester
Paris community .
493
493
494
494
495
496
497
499
499
499
500
500
501
502
502
503
503
504
505
505
506
507
508
509
509
510
510
5"
S12
512
Frances Bedingfield goes to
England ....
Foundations at York and
Hammersmith .
Loss of house at Hewarth
Queen's gift of house in White-
friars' Street
Community moved there from
Paris
Queen Mary Beatrice's help
House broken up .
Settlement in St. Martin
Lane.
Barbara Babthorpe's govern
ment ....
Her death — Mary Poyntz
succeeds her
Mary Poyntz at Munich
Her views and labours .
Goes to found at Augsburg
Good reception there .
The Bishop protects the Eng-
lish Ladies
Death of Mary Poyntz .
Favours of other Bishops
Catharine Hamilton and
other Sisters
Chapel dedicated to the
Sacred Heart .
Catharine Dawson, Chief Su
perior
Winefrid Bedingfield's death
Orphan-House founded at
Munich ....
Visit of Boudon, Archdeacon
of Evreux ....
Helena Catesby founds a
house at Burghausen
Her difficulties
The chapel built .
Blessed Sacrament placed
there ....
Education given by the Eng-
lish Ladies
Helena's holy and austere
life . . . ■ .
513
S13
514
51S
516
517
517
S18
518
519
520
521
521
522
523
523
524
525
525
526
526
527
528
529
529
530
531
533
liv
Contents.
Catharine Dawson petitions
the Holy See for confir-
mation .... 533
Her successor, Mary Anna
Barbara Babthorpe . . 534
Prepares to petition afresh . 535
Favour of the Elector and
his family . . . -535
Loan of Paradeiser Haus
changed into a gift . . 536
Rebuilt at Elector's expense . 536
Confraternity of the Humility
of our Lady . . . 536
Incident in the chapel . 537
Elisabeth Rantienne founds
at Mindelheim . . . 538
The Elector befriends the
petition at Rome . . 539
Arguments used in its favour 540
Bull of Confirmation issued . 541
Clement XI. offers to give
the second approbation . 542
Chapter VIL
The New Institute.
1703—1885.
Houses in England assist
towards the Confirmation . 543
Letter of Dr. Leyburn, Vicar-
Apostolic .... 544
New foundations . . . 545
Houses at St. Polten and
Bamberg .... 545
At Alt-CEtting . . .546
At Meran .... 547
Difficulties and privations . 547
Francesca Hauserin Chief
Superior .... 548
PAGE
The suit at Rome . . 549
Francesca Hauserin's cha-
racter .... 550
Her body found incorrupt . 551
Josepha von MansdorfF . 552
The schools of the Insti-
tute 552
Decree of secularization . 553
Napoleon preserves the com-
munity at Mainz . . 553
Austrian Houses untouched . 553
Augsburg Community not
broken up . . . 554
"The Painted Life" in the
convent .... 554
Relics of English Martyrs
there . . . .555
Remarkable appearance of
light in the church . . 555
Nuns of the Institute nurse
sick soldiers . . . 556
Mrs. Ball and the Irish
Branch of the Institute . 557
Novices re-taken in Germany 558
Community established at
Nymphenburg . . . 558
Gregory XVL appoints a
General Superior . . 559
Increase of the Institute . 559
Final approbation by Pius IX. 559
NOTES TO BOOK VIII.
Note I. Letter from Father
Robinson , O.S.B.,to Mary
Poyntz .... 561
Note II. On the Portrait
in this Voltonc . . . 562
ILLUSTRATION.
I. Portrait of Mary Ward
(Frontispiece)
THE LIFE OF MARY WARD.
BOOK THE FIFTH.
THE INSTITUTE IN ITALY.
CHAPTER I.
Early Days in Rome.
1622.
We have seen that the vision of some heavy cross
before her overshadowed the heart of Mary Ward
in the Holy House at Loreto, and thence onward
till she entered Rome. Though there may have been
little more in what Almighty God permitted her to
see than a dim undefined picture of suffering to come,
yet that little would make a gloomy background
enough to the host of minor difficulties which pre-
sented themselves in the outset of her new under-
taking. Poverty and friend lessness were not among
the least of these. One of the travellers, describing
the end of their journey says : " Besides God and His
holy saints, we expected to find but few other friends.
We were strangers in a foreign country, far from
home, with little hopes of human means, without lan-
guage, acquaintance, provision, or money, all which
difficulties are very potent, and will try the hearts
of the most perfect men." Their little stock of coin
was all but expended on the road, and they scarcely
knew where to turn for a lodging. But their courage
failed not. It was enough that they were in Rome,
and so these hardnesses and roughnesses, to which
B 2
First arrangements.
flesh and blood are generally very sensible, were
suffered to press but lightly on hearts full of the im-
portance of what they had in hand, and bright with
hopes of great spiritual gifts in store. Let us, with these
devoted souls, turn for a time to the sunshine rather
than to the gloom which circumstances cast around
them, and follow them as well as we can in the first
early stages of their residence in the Holy City.
Mary fixed the temporary abode of herself and
her companions near the Ponte Sisto, not far from
the English College. Here there were many near
at hand who could best aid her by their counsel and
other means in promoting her arduous suit. Her
personal friends in Rome were few, but she was
probably well supplied with recommendatory letters
and introductions. The first person to whom she
made known her arrival in Rome was wisely chosen.
The immediate results which followed give, however,
the impression that the arrangement had been pre-
-concerted between herself and the holy Carmelite
.Father, who had already taken a warm interest in
the well-being of the English Virgins at Ti'eves or
' Cologne. Father Domenico di Gesu Maria had re-
turned to Rome a fortnight before Mary and her
companions reached the city. His influence with
those highest in authority in the Church has been
imentioned in the former volume. We are told that
&t his first interview with Gregory XV., after giving
the account of the mission intrusted to him by the
Pope's predecessor, he had obtained from the Iloh-
Father, by a simple request, a promise that the
canonization of St. Teresa should take place together
Audience with Gregory XV.
with that of St. Isidore, already in preparation.
Besides this, it is said that, through his personal
advocacy, the names of St. Ignatius, St. Francis
Xavier, and St. Philip Neri were added. Father
Domenico had not forgotten Mary Ward and her
undertakings, with their pressing requirements. He
spoke of her and her cause to Pope Gregory in a
way which secured for her the early reception which
she desired. Accordingly, on the next day but one
after her arrival, that is, on the feast of St. Stephen,
she was admitted to a private audience.
Gregory XV., one of the illustrious family of the
Ludovisi of Bologna, had not yet been seated for
a year on the Papal throne. He is praised personally,
for his piety, for a great and benevolent desire to
advance all good souls, and also for his love to the
poor, especially the sick among them. Gregory's
pontificate was short, lasting barely two years and
a half, but during that time his government, in spite
of his feeble health, was energetic. Among his acts
there were some which had important and enduring
effects upon the welfare of the Universal Church.
Two may be here named as touching in some degree
upon the present history — the foundation of the Con-
gregation of the Propaganda, and the restoration of
the Episcopal Rule in England, which for a long
period had been in abeyance, and for many years
had become a subject of continual discussion before
the Holy See.
Recommended by one already esteemed as a
saint, and with the prestige accompanying the bearer
of letters from two of the most exalted amonof the
The Popes kind words.
Catholic Sovereigns, as well as from a Princess so
devoted a daughter of the Church as Isabella, Mary-
was received with great kindness by the Pontiff.
" He received her with singular benevolence and with
all fatherly and benign expressions, so far as to say,
* God had in good time provided for His Church,' al-
luding to the profit which was to come by her labours."
To His servants, whom He places in positions of
high responsibility with regard to the souls of others,
God sometimes vouchsafes a light as to the future,
not granted to those around them who have not the
need for the same spiritual discernment. Such a
light it may have been that suggested to the Pope's
mind the idea of the usefulness of women's work in
the great struggle with heresy and its attendant
legion of evils, in which the Church was then and
has ever since been involved. Gregory again intro-
duces this idea in his answer to the Archduchess
Isabella, which alone among several Briefs mentioned
here by Mary's biographers has come down to us.
In his answer he says, that " Mary's piety is highly
to be praised, which has with such labour gathered
together a band of companions whom she brings
forward and offers for God's honour, at a time when
the Prince of Darkness employs so many hosts of
ungodly men in the fight against the Catholic faith.
We rejoice that many noble women stand beneath
her banner." His words also show the high esteem
and veneration which Isabella entertained for Mary's
character, for he adds, " as the letter of your High-
ness contains such an excellent testimony of all her
virtues, we desire that her piety and this commenda-
Marys quickness in action.
tion should be weighed with no little favour, and
have therefore commanded that her Institute and
her motives should be immediately taken into con-
sideration,"
Mary was not slow in following up the gracious
reception which she had received from the Holy
Father. " Her ambition, which had for its object
but labours and sufferings, as well as her perfect
fidelity to the good pleasure of her Divine Master,
would not permit her to lose time, wherefore she
immediately presented to His Holiness and the
Congregation he appointed for her business to be
treated in, what her intentions were and humble
petitions of them, and this with all simplicity and
integrity, which many politicians condemned her for,
pretending she might with more ease obtain her ends
by only making appear what was more likely to be
plausible."
The novelty and peculiar organization of the
work for which Mary Ward sought approval, totally
unlike any yet permitted to women under religious
vows, naturally elicited plenty of advice from those
acquainted with the care and prudence requisite in
laying any fresh scheme before eyes so necessarily
criticizing as those of the Supreme Rulers of the
Church. But Mary had, as we shall find, many others
besides those in high place to deal with, and among
them no {&\^ who had but little of kindly feeling
towards her. It is not very easy, under the present
circumstances, both of society at large and of the
Church, to throw ourselves into the extreme diffi-
culties, either of her undertaking, or of her position
6 Difficulty of positio7t. '
at the moment of which we write, One of the very
first pioneers, by God's Providence, of the most re-
markable change that had yet taken place in the
system of conventual life for women, she had now
entered a country, perhaps, of all others the most
uncongenial to such an attempt. In England and
France and Northern Germany, the greater inter-
course with neighbouring countries, political changes
on an extensive scale, foreign wars and the unspar-
ing hand of religious strifes between large bodies of
people, had broken down the old wall of mediaeval
customs and habits, and were gradually introducing
new tones of thought and feeling, and were preparing
the way for future and yet unthought of changes.
Novelties and innovations were in some way ex-
pected, and had the advantage, at any rate in
many places, of an accompanying prestige rather
than the contrary. Not so with Italy. Though con-
tinually torn within itself by the quarrels of turbulent
nobles and equally turbulent populations, both the
religious and social state and domestic manners of
the peninsula had remained untouched. Old tradi-
tions still retained an undiminished and sovereign
sway.
Thus the very presence of Mary and her com-
panions in Rome, as petitioners in person to the Holy
See, must have excited universal surprise. Much
more was this the result of their appearance in the
streets, when, having cast aside their pilgrims' garb,
they were to be seen in a dress which, however
dissimilar to those of cloistered nuns, still, by its
peculiarity and difference from the prevalent fashions
Appearance in the streets.
of the day, marked it as that of women devoted to
a religious object. Besides, though the long black
silk cloak, fastened to the top of the tightly fitting-
white cap, covered them from head to foot, it could
not conceal the linen band over the forehead, which
then strictly belonged to conventual attire. This
one mark of their calling they still retained, with
but slight alteration. Feelings far beyond those of
astonishment must have been raised in the minds
of the Italian people, when these English strangers
were seen on foot in the streets, where Italian ladies
and religious women never trod, especially as not
only the voice of common report, but their own
bearing and comportment, stamped them as of supe-
rior birth and position.
In the capital of Christendom, as well as in all
other Catholic countries at that time, even aspirants
to religion, when once they had entered the walls of
a convent, were scarcely to be seen, by the world at
large, outside. Centuries had rolled on, but the good
old customs of the Church in this respect remained
unaltered. What, then, but doubt and distrust, to
say the least, could arise at the sudden apparition
of women claiming to be received as religious, walk-
ing abroad and worshipping in the public churches,
with even greater freedom than the habits of society
permitted to ladies of their own class in those south-
ern countries of Europe .'' We hear of the same
prejudices still existing in those regions even after
a space of nearly two hundred years, since non-
enclosure has been sanctioned by the Holy See.
What, then, must have been their strength in the
Straightforwardness,
first half of the seventeenth century ? A very little
knowledge of the trials of those who have to do
battle with long-seated habits and prejudices will
give a ready idea of the force of character, the con-
fidence in God, and the amount of other eminent
virtues requisite for meeting such an ordeal with
any hope of success. Nor is it marvellous that
Mary Ward's advisers should have beset her with
counsels of wariness and prudence. It might have
been better for her to have listened to such counsel-
lors— but at all events she showed herself a true
Englishwoman by not doing so.
When she entered Rome, Mary could not have
been ignorant of the opinion which would probably
be entertained both of herself and her plans. She
knew too that she had strange and unusual requests
to make of the Holy See. But it was not in her
nature to keep back her aims. She may have said
to herself that the work she was engaged in was not
her own ; it belonged to Almighty God. This con-
fidence had been deeply impressed upon her by His
many wonderful Providences in its behalf. Why,
too, should she adopt a policy which involved a
subsequent line of action little in accordance with
that which God had hitherto blessed } Moreover,
she had already found a certain amount of favour
with the Pontiff's predecessor, Paul V., by a totally
contrary course. Why draw back now } There were,
no doubt, certain other adverse symptoms, to be
explained in the following chapters, which heightened
her difficulties, and well might urge caution upon
her ; but their importance did not for a moment
Me7norial to Gregory XV.
make her hesitate in the choice between a straight-
forward way of acting and the contrary. We cannot
blame her simplicity and courage, but she might
perhaps have lost nothing and gained a great deal
by a little less of that truly Saxon bluntness which
she now seems to have displayed.
It was in this spirit that Mary drew up in English
her first memorial to Gregory XV.^
IHS.
Holy Father, — Seeing by Divine appointment we are
to take upon us the same holy Institute and order of life
already approved by divers Popes of happy memory
(Paul HI., JuHus III., and Gregory XIII.) to the religious
Fathers of the Society of Jesus, and that for this twelve
years space (since this zeal of God's honour and the good
of souls hath been writt in our hearts), we have tried and
exercised ourselves in like practice, according to the mea-
sure of Divine grace given us, so far forth as the continual
persecutions heaped upon us, both by bad and good men,
ever since our beginnings, have permitted us (which en-
deavours of ours have, notwithstanding, through these and
other the like incumbrances, been hitherto far short of that
measure of good, in glory to God and service to His
Church, which the same Divine Goodness daily offers us,
our vocation requires at our hands, and we ourselves live
for no other end, but to put in practice) — as well, therefore,
to take away these and other such impediments, as for our
more confirmation and comfort in this course, more certain
direction of the Holy Ghost in our proceedings, and the
greater encouragement of such as shall hereafter join them-
1 Nymphenburg Archives, a manuscript in English endorsed in
ancient handwriting, " Copia Memorialis Sanctitati suce oblati com-
pendium continens earum rerum quas humiliter petimus."
lo Petitions for Confirmation.
selves unto us ; We humbly beseech that by the authority of
the See Apostolic, the aforesaid Institute (holily observed
by the said Fathers of the Society of Jesus, with so great
fruit to the Universal Church) together with their Consti-
tutions, manner of life, and approved practice (altogether
independent, nevertheless, of the said Fathers) may likewise
be approved and confirmed, in and to us, to be entirely
practised by us (as the needful means to the same end,
which is the greater glory of God, and the good of souls
common to us with the said Fathers), according to the
prescript of the same Institute, so far forth as God hath
not prohibited by diversity of sex, as in ministering sacra-
ments, public preaching, teaching, and public disputing of
matters of divinity, and all such things as are only lawful
for priests to exercise. All which things it shall be sufficient
for us to persuade souls unto, and so to be cause of the
same good in them. Beseeching humbly Your Holiness
to approve in us this our holy vocation : Denouncing us
from hencefonvard to be religious : Giving us authority to
admit to probation and profession, according to the custom
and practice of the said Society. Humbly submitting our-
selves under the obedience of Your Holiness, and all your
lawful successors, beseeching it will please Your Holiness
now possessing the Seat, to receive this our whole company
into your and their especial care and protection, not suffer-
ing bishops in their particular dioceses or others whom-
soever, to have any ordinary authority or jurisdiction over
us. For that kind of government, though holy in itself and
helpful to other religious communities (who are not, as we
must be, at the free disposition of their immediate and me-
diate superiors for the greater good of souls and service of
the Church) were not only contrary to the Institute, allotted
unto us, but would moreover (as experience teacheth) much
molest and hinder us, both in the way of our own perfection,
and that service we are to perform towards our neighbours.
Mary's second interview. ii
Grant this, Holy Father, God Himself will be your recom-
pense. Who no less rewards the execution of His wills. To
Whom be all honour and praise.
This memorial certainly could never be accused of
want of plainness of speech. It asked for the estab-
lishment of an Order exactly like the Society of Jesus,
as far as was compatible with the sex of its members,
for independence of all ordinary jurisdiction, and the
like. Mary trusted herself and her cause to God, by
this open way of speaking. We shall soon see what
reason she had for such a course, and for disclaiming
at once in strong words, even in this first petition,
all thought of usurping powers which did not belong
to her sex, while taking her stand upon what was
true in the causes of enmity alleged against her.
It may be added that, in addressing Gregory XV,,
she knew that she appealed to one who had himself
received his education and early training from the
Society of. Jesus, who was then about to canonize
its Founder and one of its greatest saints, and who
was endowed with a high esteem and affection for
that Order — an esteem which, in the following year,
induced him to choose their church, the Gesu, for
his final resting-place.
There was another interview necessary for Mary
Ward during the early days of her stay in Rome.
This interview would have been a difficult task to
any one who had less trust in the orderings of God's
Providence, or who was less obedient to His Voice.
For Mary knew beforehand what the result was
finally to be, that is, to an ordinary eye, disappoint-
ment and disheartening discouragement only. How
1 2 Mutius Vitelleschi.
must not the words, which hitherto had been hke a
guiding star through a troubled sea, have rung upon
her inward ear, as she turned from the Pontifical
throne to undertake the next duty which lay before
her. " Take the same of the Society, Father General
will never permit it. Go to him." It was, then, an
act of obedience to God which she was to fulfil,
whatever followed of pain or annoyance, or even
worse. Mary had promised to Him to do her part
faithfully, and accordingly she prepared to plead
her cause, with as much care as if the consequences
depended on her efforts and as if she were in ignor-
ance as to future success or failure, with the confi-
dence that God could bring about His will as much
through the one as the other.
It does not appear that Mary Ward had as yet
had any direct communication with the General of
the Society of Jesus, Father Mutius Vitelleschi. But
she knew through others that, whatever kindly feeling
he had manifested towards the English Virgins, he
yet had thought it best to take a very decided line to
free his Order from all responsibility in the eyes of
others, as if they had any desire to act as co-founders
of the Institute, or of assuming jurisdiction over it
when founded, all which was forbidden by their Con-
stitutions. The painful state of party spirit among
the Catholics in England, no less than the variety of
opinions expressed by the Fathers of the Society
with regard to the Institute, had lately brought about
a correspondence between the Rector of the House
of the Society in London, Father Blount, and the
Head of his Order, with regard to the English Virgins
Letter to England.
and their work, on the question of the calumnious
misrepresentations of which they were the subject.
Father Blount seems to have included their Belgian
Houses in his observations, his powers extending to
that country, and it was through his means that the
Jesuits were disengaged from their share in an ar-
rangement concerning a loan of money which Father
Gerard had procured for Mary Ward, enabling her
to found at Cologne and Treves. This had happened
a few months before Mary left Flanders for Rome,
and, just about the time we are now considering,
Father Gerard was displaced from the Rectorship
at Liege, in consequence, as it was said, of the
course of action he had adopted with regard to
Mary Ward and her undertakings.
Father Blount had written to the General, as it
would appear, at great length, during some part of
the year 1619, and the following is the answer of
the latter to the communication f-
As to the Convents of Virgins who imitate the Institute
of the Society, I must greatly praise the zeal and diligence
of your Reverence in informing me of all that you have
ascertained respecting their Institute and their manner of
living and acting. When opportunity serves, I will take
care that the Pope be warned, in order that, if it should
happen that on partial information he has made any con-
cession, or if anything is done by them beyond the con-
cession of His HoHness, he may order it to be remedied.
Meanwhile, I wish your Reverence diligently to inquire
^ From papers belonging to the ancient Archives at St. Omer, now
in the Archives de I'Etat, Brussels. It is endorsed, "What the General
says about the Virgins," and is headed, "From the General's letter,
Feb., 1619" (N.S. 1620).
14 Prohibitions.
whether any one of our Society is mixed with their direction
or government, or has more to do for them than is usually
done for any other penitents who come to our churches.
If you ascertain anything of this sort, at once forbid him
to do so, whoever he be, and let me be at once informed.
Besides, lest the vague impression which many have, that
these convents are subject to the Society, should serve as
a pretext for withdrawing them from the authority of
bishops as ordinaries, let your Reverence take care, either
in person or by some one else, prudently and modestly to
warn the bishops of those cities in which these Virgins have
houses, that the Society does not pretend to have any
authority at all over these convents or women, and that it
does not wish in any way to have anything to do with
them, more than with any other women who frequent our
churches. That this may be still more plain, your Reve-
rence must go on as you have begun, and forbid any of
ours to teach Catechism in their schools, until your Reve-
rence shall receive notice to the contrary from me.
This last prohibition is the only portion of the
letter of Father Vitelleschi which has the appearance
of hostility to the English Virgins, for, as to the
other points, Mary Ward herself did not desire any-
thing which the General forbids. The prohibition to
teach in the schools of the Virgins was a temporary
measure, and might easily have been revoked under
altered circumstances. The Father General could not
have been ignorant, either that Mary had laid the
whole organization of her designs before Paul V., or
of his answer, or of the care with which she fully
explained her plans before each of her foundations,
to the Bishops and Papal Nuncio of the cities where
she opened her houses. The letter shows the writer's
Marys motives. 15
disposition towards the Institute, and the difficulties
with which Mary had to cope in her proposed inter-
view. She must have been aware of the communi-
cation by the results which followed on the orders
given. But she did not shrink back from her task.
Her object in now seeking an interview with Father
Mutius Vitelleschi was not to press anything incon-
sistent with the regulations of his Order. She neither
desired that the Society of Jesus should be co-found-
ers with herself and her companions, nor did she
seek to place the Institute under the jurisdiction of
their General. Her words to Gregory XV., as well
as on many former occasions, were sufficiently plain
on both these heads. Her visit was rather an act of
courtesy, to give the General the solid reasons which
induced her to abide at all costs by the decision, to
adopt the Rules of St. Ignatius as the foundation
for the spiritual life and organization of her Congre-
gation. It was also to remove, as far as possible,
whatever dislike or prejudice had been raised in his
mind from the exaggerated and calumnious reports
which she knew must have reached his ears, to obtain
his goodwill towards her plans and, beyond this, his
assistance, as far as might be, in gaining the much-
desired confirmation from the Holy See. His tacit
approval would carry a weight with it which, thrown
into the scale on her side, would go far with the
Pope to win for her what she sought.
No account of this visit is given by any of Mary's
biographers. But there are notes^ in her own hand,
which she laid before the General by word of mouth
** Nymphenburg Papers.
1 6 Statement to the General.
at the time, or sent to him afterwards in writing.
The title of " Blessed " given in them to St. Ignatius
marks their date as before the day of his canoniza-
tion, i.e., March 12, of the year Mary came to Rome.
They are endorsed in the hand of one of Mary's
companions, Adniodiim Rdo. in Xto. Patri P. Mutio
de Vitellescio, Societatis Jesu Generali.
IHS.
Reasons why we may not alter, &c.
First, Because what we have chosen is already confirmed
by the Church, and commended in several Bulls and in the
Council of Trent, as a most fit Institute to help souls.
Secondly, Because experience and the great mutation of
manners in the world, in all sorts of people, doth show it to
be so.
Thirdly, Because we have proved, now this twelve years,
that the practice of the same Rule doth much conduce to
our own profit in perfection, and no less to the help of our
neighbour.
Fourthly, Because that is the vocation unto which we
were first called, and which hath been confirmed in us by
the assured trials prescribed in the book of Blessed Father
Ignatius his Exercises, and therein approved and com-
mended to all by the highest authority. Therefore, as our
Lord saith that " none can come to Him unless His Father
draws them," and that " every plant which His Father hath
not planted shall be rooted out," we therefore, having used
of cleansing our hearts, that we may see God's will the
better, of retirement and prayer, and the best advice we
could find for our help therein, have always found this
choice of ours to be the only way to guide best to our
end, and most to secure and advance our own salvation
and perfection, and therewith to serve also the Church in
Reasons for choice of rule. 1 7
procuring the good of souls by all means possible for women
to the greater glory of God, a quo omne datum optimiwi et
omne domim perfectum, from Whom all vocations to religious
perfection must come, and not from man ; as we see it
hath proved in all prevalent orders.
And if it were wrong to force any private man to marry a
wife whom he cannot affect, much more must the election of
every one's vocation in this kind be free ; which is not only
more sure to last all the term of our life (sith the other
party never dieth) but is for ever to endure and doth deter-
mine our place with Christ for all eternity.
Now as it is free for every private man to choose for
himself, so much more it must needs be fit for princes to
be their own choosers. This is the reason of that was said
before, and good reason, that the King of kings should
choose His own Spouses, and that God and not man should
give vocations : and if so to every private soul, how much
more to a beginning order and so much importing the
service of His Church and good of souls.
We are left to the few indications suggested by
remarks in Mary Ward's letters, and to minor details
in other manuscripts, to judge what efifect was pro-
duced on the mind of Father Mutius Vitelleschi by
her arguments. Various facts elicited as the history
proceeds show that he had less hard opinions con-
cerning the English Virgins. He may have been
influenced by personal acquaintance with Mary Ward,
a not uncommon result which the knowledge of her
character produced, and also by the unblameable and
devout lives and labours of herself and her com-
panions in Rome. It is a case in which we would
gladly avail ourselves of documents, which perhaps
exist in some of the Roman Libraries, but which
c 2
1 8 Caution necessary.
are unfortunately inaccessible. But, it may be added,
the elements of the case before the Pope, and, in a
■certain sense, before the General and others at Rome,
are not far to seek, or at all unintelligible. Mary
Ward, in this respect, came before her time, and the
condition of her country, on account of which she
was led so much to insist on freedom for her Sisters
from the ordinary rules of religious life, was marked
by other circumstances also which made it imperative
on the Holy See to exercise the greatest caution.
Even if, at that time, the great change which she
demanded could have been conceded, the state of
discord among the English Catholics would have
made the concession impossible. So, as to the Society
of Jesus. If her greatest friend in the Society had
been himself the General, he must have seen the great
danger that he would incur by identifying himself
openly with the cause of the Virgins, in the face of
the powerful enemies of both.
Before proceeding with the public affairs connected
with the two interviews we have been considering,
some idea has now to be gained of the private life
of Mary Ward and her companions after reaching
Rome. They were quite alone in the city, knowing
no one among those who were fellow-exiles with
themselves in Rome — in fact, they had no one who
could be called a friend beyond three or four young
students at the English College, who were related
more or less to themselves and other members of
their Institute. Mary Poyntz's younger brother, John
Poyntz, Edmund Neville, a connection of Mary
Ward's, and one of the same family as the Edmund
Friends but few in Rome. 1 9
Neville whose history has already been told in this
work, and Adrian Fortescue, alias Talbot, allied to
both the families of those names, and also to various
Sisters in the convents of the Enghsh Virgins, had
arrived in Rome only three months previously ;
Robert Rookwood's residence as a convictor in the
College had been some months longer. He was
probably a brother of Susanna Rookwood, whom we
shall soon find as an additional member of Mary's
household at Rome. All the above-named young
collegians became fervent priests and religious within
a few years' time.* John Poyntz, who had adopted
the alias of Campian, in which he was in later years
imitated by his sister, is named in the Diary of the
English College as "an example of every virtue"
during his stay there. He left Rome in .1624, and
was in that year received into the Society of Jesus
at Watten, so that his sister Mary was privileged to
know from him of his happy choice while yet herself
■* Robert Rookwood became a secular priest in 1621, and was sent
to England five years subsequently. He was Confessor to the Poor
Clares of Gravelines and their filiations at Rouen for a lengthened
number of years, dying at the latter city in 1671. His father was
Edward Rookwood, of Euston, Suffolk, who was imprisoned by Queen
Elizabeth when on a visit at his house. He remained in prison for
above twenty years, and was reduced to extreme poverty by the heavj-
fines inflicted on him for his faith. He did not die until 1633 — 34.
From a pedigree of the Rookwoods of Euston, jDublished, since vol. i.
of the Life of Alary I'Faj-d was written, in Records, by H. Foley, S.J.,
vol. vii. part ii. p. 669, it would ^ippear that Susanna Rookwood was
probably a daughter of Edward, and therefore a cousin (not sister, as
formerly stated) of Ambrose Rookwood of Coldham, who suffered in
the Gunpowder Plot. The pedigree states that Sarah or Susan Rook-
wood was living at Euston in 1605 — the year, therefore, before Mary
Ward first left England.
20 The O Mates of St. Frances.
in that city. Of some of the Fathers of the EngHsh
College we shall hear at a later date.
But though almost destitute of friends of their
own nation, the general interest shown towards all
those driven from their country by the unhappy
state of persecution existing in England, soon pro-
cured many marks of kindness to Mary Ward and
her associates from among the devout Italians. The
religious, as far as their cloistered condition permitted,
showed them all sisterly good will. To these their
own letters of introduction, and doubtless the inter-
vention of the English Fathers also, gained them
access. Father Domenico di Gesu introduced them to
the Oblates of St. Frances, of the Torre dei Speccht.^
That great servant of God had miraculously cured
one of these nuns, who had been afflicted for many
years with palsy and other evils. He was in the
habit of giving exhortations to the community, and
much esteemed their holy way of life. They wel-
comed our travellers with much warmth, and so
entered into their plans and appreciated their spirit
and the object to which they had devoted their lives,
that some among them regretted that the English
Virgins had not visited Rome a few years before,
telling them that had they not yet bound themselves
by vow as Oblates, they would have entered the
Institute and laboured with them. Their rule allow-
ing them to admit women within their inclosure, the
nuns invited two of Mary's companions to stay with
them, for the purpose of learning the Italian language,
to fit them for the work opening before them in
' See vol. i. p. 294, for an account of this Congregation.
An epidemic in the household. 21
Rome. This visit was in the spring of the year, and
lasted two months. It was no sooner over than the
whole of Mary's household were visited in the month
of June by an epidemic resembling small-pox — a trial
bringing a disastrous result in its train which fell
heavily upon these united and devoted hearts, wound-
ing Mary the most deeply of all. Of this we shall
presently speak.
CHAPTER II.
Work in England.
1622.
Our readers will gain perhaps a clearer and more
accurate view of the difficulties lately spoken of as
besetting the advance of Catholic labours for the
good of souls in England, by returning for a short
time to scenes in that country. The nature of the
opposition which was raised against Mary Ward's
work, as well as the progress and value of that
work itself, will become apparent through the rela-
tion of what was passing with regard to it among
her own country people. For with all her interest
and all her labours for her foreign houses, it was in
truth for England and the glory and honour of God
in His Church there, that Mary Ward was freely
sacrificing herself and her good name. The one
guiding thought which ruled her was, how best to
forward the welfare of the numerous souls, but waiting
22 Mary's companions in England.
to be preserved from loss or drawn back whence they
had strayed, by bringing to perfection the design
which had already proved so able an instrument in
her hands for their good. This was the key hence-
forth to Mary's life. This had urged her Rome wards.
There were no doubts as to vocation now, how weary
soever and long the way might be by which God was
about to lead her. Nor was the gloom of the present
moment ever an impediment to one whose confidence
in Him was so strong as to future results for others.
No detailed account appears to have been pre-
served during the three years following Mary's release
from her English prison in 1618, of the labours of her
Sisters whom she left behind her when she crossed to
St. Omer. She had placed Susanna Rookwood as
Superior at their head, and kept up a frequent corre-
spondence herself with the community, encouraging
and strengthening them in their difficult and dan-
gerous avocations by her wise counsels and tender
sympathy ; but of these letters none remain. God
blessed their labours in large measure. But neither
success nor Mary's fervour and love for souls, nor the
same motives in her companions, ever induced her to
overtax the powers of mind and body of those under
her care. Thus such as were selected to be chief in
responsibility among the workers in England, had no
sooner finished their allotted time than they were
relieved by others competent to take their place.
Susanna Rookwood was therefore recalled from her
anxious post in the year 1621, to the comparative
rest and refreshment of quiet convent life at Liege.
A glimpse of the graces and merits which her three
Frances Brookesby.
years' Superiority won for her has already been given
us in a former chapter. Another highly-gifted soul
was sent to England in her room whose name has
not yet been brought forward among those of the
earlier English Virgins.
Frances Brookesby^ was one of an ancient English
family of consideration. She was born in 1587, and
from an early age until her thirtieth year filled some
office as Lady of Honour about the Court. Though
adorned with many virtues and good qualities, she
was greatly given to the vanities of the world, for
which her position in the somewhat gay Court of
Queen Anne of Denmark gave ample opportunity.
In the very midst of their full enjoyment, however,
God bestowed upon her suddenly such a disgust for
their emptiness and worthlessness, that she hence-
forth loathed them as much as before she had loved
them. Together with this enlightenment she received
an interior attraction to make an entire renunciation
of all earthly things, and in order to fulfil it she
determined to leave the Court and her own country^
to live a life of poverty and devotion to God, though
as yet she knew not where He would lead her. But
before any means were apparent for carrying her
resolution into effect, the devil stirred up a fierce
opposition to her design, both through her friends
and by interior temptations, filling her with fears and
^ Perhaps a sister of Edward Brookesby, of Shouldby, Leicester-
shire, who married Eleanor Vaux, known in the history of Father
Garnett and in that of the heroic Mrs. Vaux, whose sister-in-law she
was. The Brookesbys also intermarried with the Bedingfields and
other families of note.
24 Vocation to religion.
anxieties. So furious were his assaults upon this
favoured soul to turn her from her pious purpose,
that it is related of her in her Necrology^ that he
even appeared to her in a visible form, that of a
horrible bear, and endeavoured by rage to scare her
from her determination.
She persevered in spite of his machinations, and
in 1617 or 1 61 8 Divine Providence opened in some
unexpected manner the way to leave England, and
brought her into the neighbourhood of one of the
houses of the Institute, where she speedily found the
vocation she was seeking. Here God rewarded her
amply for what she had suffered, filling her with His
Divine love ; and it is said of her that so super-
abundant were His consolations, that she found it
impossible to conceal them from the eyes of others,
even amidst her laborious exterior occupations. Her
zeal for souls was great, and it speaks much both for
her virtues and advance in holiness, and for her intel-
lectual and moral qualities, that Mary Ward should
have selected her for the trying office of Superior in
England only three or four years after her reception
into the Institute. Her stay there was marked by
the number of troubles and annoyances which she
had to face from party-spirit among Catholics in
carrying on the work, as well as by the endurance
of great persecutions from those outside the Church.
But hers, like that of many of her religious Sisters,
was a spirit cast in a mould which nothing could
move or overcome when the honour of God was con-
cerned.
2 In the Nymphenburg Archives
Way of life in the Institute. 25
For several years before Frances Brookesby came
to England, the members of the Institute had been
not only living in secret in London, as a quasi-com-
munity, but had been stationed in various parts of
the country, in villages or towns, wherever an opening
presented itself. In such times as those we are con-
sidering, it was often impossible for two to be together
lest suspicion should be raised by their mode of life.
They frequently, therefore, if necessary, while working
among all classes of society, lived in the country houses
of the rich, the better to avoid observation. We shall
see that even this easily explained arrangement was
turned into a subject of accusation against Mary
Ward.
A short abstract written by one of the Sisters
thus employed has come down to us,^ containing the
account of her way of life and occupations during the
years 1621 and 1622, and is given here as best eluci-
dating the objects of the present chapter. The writer
is called in the ancient endorsement " a lay-sister,"
but the contents of the document point out pretty
clearly that she was not only a lady by birth, but also
of some position in society. She was, however, one
of a class of which we have other examples.
In order to escape the trammels of the world and
the opposition of friends, raised in this instance
against her entering the Institute, she had concealed
both her name and rank, and embraced the lowly estate
of a lay-sister, making these sacrifices the opportu-
nity of a free-will offering to God. And not only
^ In the Nymphenburg Archives, a manuscript copy in English of
much the same date.
26 Sister Dorothea.
to the world at large was she known alone as " Sister
Dorothea," but among her own Sisters in religion
none knew who she was, so that she must have obtained
from Mary Ward the permission that this ignorance
should last on even after her death. The old French
Necrology, which states the day of her death, though
not the year, gives her no other nomenclature. Her
narrative is written for her Superior, Mrs. Brookesby,
and at her desire, and perhaps that of Mary Ward
also. Her fears lest she should be discovered in her
disguised dress when mixing among former acquain-
tances, both laity and priests, in company with the
lady who knew her secret in London, could only
proceed from one who was of equal rank with those
whose recognition she shunned. But there is no clue
which in any way assists to detect her personality.
The scene of Sister Dorothea's labours was the
county of Suffolk, and the lady whom she speaks of
as " my lady," and whose name has been purposely
omitted by her in the history, is mentioned in the
Necrology as Mrs. or Lady Timperley. We have
seen that Mary Ward was well acquainted with that
county, and had again visited it on one of her later
journeys to England. The Timperleys had long been
possessors of Hintlesham Hall,* near Ipswich, and
Sir Thomas Timperley, who was probably the owner
in the year of which Sister Dorothea writes, had
married Eliza Shelley, daughter of Sir John Shelley
of Michelsgrove, Sussex. We shall find that another
member of the Shelley family, a near relation of
Lady Timperley, was already one of the Sisters of
^ This ancient Elizabethan mansion is still in existence.
■ Life among the poor. 27
the Institute. Sister Dorothea's residence at Hintle-
sham may hence be traced to this connection.
SISTER DOROTHEA'S NARRATIVE.
A relation of one of ours, a lay-sister, one of those that live in
villages in England.
According to your command I intend in the best and
briefest manner I can to relate my proceedings and manner
of living : which is in the house of a poor woman, pre-
tending to be her kinswoman. And by the means of my
worthy lady H. H. (Timperley), who only knoweth who I
am, I have sometimes means of frequenting the sacraments
for myself and others : the want of which is indeed very
great, and the greatest suffering I have; all the rest is
nothing, neither is this much considering for Whose sake
it is.
I dare not keep schools publicly, as we do beyond the
seas, especially at my first coming, because it was before
Easter when presentments are accustomed to be, and all
sorts of people looked into, but I teach or instruct children
in the houses of parents, which I find to be a very good
way, and by that occasion I get acquaintance, and so gain-
ing first the affections of their parents, after with more
facility their souls are converted to God.
Besides teaching of children, I endeavour to instruct the
simple and vulgar sort, I teach them their Pater, Ave,
Creed, Commandments, &c. Those who in respect of the
fear of persecution, loss of goods, and the like, I cannot
at the first bring to resolve to be living members of the
Catholick Church, I endeavour at least so to dispose them
that understanding and believing the way to salvation, they
seldom or unwillingly go to heretical churches, abhor the
receiving of their profane Communion, leave to offend God
2 8 Conversions.
in any great matter, or more seldom to sin, and by little
and little I endeavour to root out the custom of swearing,
drinking, &c. I tend and serve poor people in their sick-
ness. I make salves to cure their sores, and endeavour to
make peace between those at variance. In these works of
charity I spend my time, not in one place, but in many,
where I see there is best means of honouring God. But it
is much to be lamented, that when poor souls are come to
that pass that they desire nothing more than to save their
souls, by means of the sacraments, it is incredible to say
how hard a thing it is to get a priest to reconcile them ;
partly through the scarcity of priests, and partly through the
fear of those with whom they live. I had at once three in
great distress, for the space of half a year I could by no
means get one, although I went many a mile to procure :
neither could my lady help me. At last upon March 20,
1622, my lady her sister sent for me to meet Mr. Palmer,
a Benedictine, at her house for my own comfort : I
told him of the three poor people so long desirous to be
reconciled, he had compassion on them and willed me to
bring one of them into a by-field, and there he reconciled
her. The other two enforced to expect longer in respect of
the inconveniency of the place. It was now Easter time
and one of these being in danger of death, and remember-
ing your reverence had willed me in such a case to spare no
pains, and to take any, what priest soever, I went twelve
miles (which was little in respect of other journies usual
with me). There I found a secular priest and brought him
home. This priest reconciled at this time three, and not
long after, having three more to be reconciled in the same
place besides divers Catholics who from places far distant I
had gathered together to receive the sacraments, by my
lady her means, I procured a Benedictine, a very good and
zealous man, and from whom the poor received much com-
fort, to come to the poor house where, under pretence of
Protestant Excommunication. 29
gathering herbs to make salves with, I had called them
together some days before.
Three things I observe to happen at the conversion of
any. (i) That I never gain one alone, but morg. (2) One
at least ever dieth happily, the rest lives. (3) That when-
soever any are reconciled presently comes upon us perse-
cution much more vehement than at other times, as now
an excommunication was prepared for me, and publicly in
the church delivered to divulge. But the events maketh
me still remember your words, who often hath told us that
we should find these people like unto dogs, Avho with their
barking do endeavour only to hinder" people from attaining
to their journey's end, but bite they dare not. Even so it
happened many times with me, but at this time very parti-
cularly ; for the minister finding no name but Dorothy put
to the excommunication, fearing it might be a trick put
upon him, which he could not answer, said in a great rage
unto the officers : " I will not be a fool, nor bring myself in
danger of the law, to please none of you all," and so refused
to do anything against me.
The 19th of April at my lady her request, I went for
three weeks to live with a gentlewoman who was newly
become a CathoHc. Her father and mother were such
Catholics as take the oath, her husband a very cold one,
notwithstanding he was very sickly, and soon after died.
The whole house was very disorderly, and had not good
report. At my first arrival there I perceived it would not
have been well taken if I had spoken of God, &c., where-
fore sorting myself with their dispositions I soon gained
their affections, by serving and tending them both, and
making medicines and salves, and teaching them to do the
same. In fine I so gained them that whatsoever I did or
said was gratefully taken, then I endeavoured to lose no
time, for as much as I perceived the gentleman his life
would not be long. I persuaded him to prepare himself by
The oath of allegiance.
means of the sacraments for the next life. Only such
priests resorted thither as held the oath to be lawful.^ I
® The oath here mentioned is the well-known oath of allegiance
first promulgated by James I. in 1605, which for so long became a
terrible instrument of oppression and cruelty towards the Catholics,
and also a fruitful source of painful doubt and disunion, with all the
consequences thence arising, among themselves. The wording, most
aptly suited to secure both these ends, was the united work of the
Protestant Archbishop Bancroft and a renegade Jesuit, Christopher
Perkins. The expressions employed made it no simple promise of
submission and secular obedience to the Sovereign. They are rather
a protest against the See of Rome. Not content with denying the
power of the Pope to depose kings, the doctrine itself is denounced as
"impious, damnable, and heretical," and the spiritual authority of the
Pontiff is impugned as to his powers of dispensation. The penalty of
Prenimiire was attached to refusing the oath, that is imprisonment for
life and the total loss of property. It was universally pressed on all,
men and women, above the age of eighteen. A division of opinion at
once arose among Catholics as to the possibility of conscientiously
taking the oath. Some of the priests, especially the archpriest Black-
well (who had at first denounced it), pronounced it by different argu-
ments to be lawful, and together with various laics, thus endeavoured to
avoid the disastrous results following upon a refusal to subscribe to it.
But the tidings having been carried to Rome, Paul V. issued two Briefs
enjoining its entire rejection by all dutiful children of the Church, as'
"containing matters contrary to faith and salvation." These Briefs
were followed by a third removing Blackwell from his ofHce, and
appointing Birkhead in his room, commanding also the latter to with-
draw the faculties of such priests as persevered in accepting the oath.
This last Brief was not issued until after Blackwell, who had been
seized by pursuivants, and was in prison, had signed the oath, and had
also wholly rejected the arguments laid before him by Cardinal Bellar-
mine and others on the duty of submission to the decisions of the Head
of the Church. It was in vain that Cardinal Bellarmine pointed out to
him, that "in whatsoever words the oath is conceived by the adver-
saries of the faith in that kingdom, it tends to this end, that the
authority of the Head of the Church in England may be transferred
from the Successor of St. Peter to the successor of King Henry VIII."
Blackwell persevered in putting his own construction on both the
words of the oath and those of the Pope in his Briefs, and his e.xample
being followed by a certain number of the priests, was quickly imitated
Dying man reconciled. 31
commended the Fathers of the Society, wishing he were
acquainted with them. It seemed he savoured well my
words, for God calling him to his last account in my
absence, he got a Father of the Society unto him, and was
happily departed before I could return, although I made all
the haste I could, when by my lady (unto whom his wife
wrote very earnestly for my return) I understood of his
danger of death. Finding him newly dead, his father,
mother, wife, and family all sorrowful, I comforted them,
and took occasion to invite them (as before I had done him
who lay then dead and themselves said ended happily) to
make use of the Father and they did.
The gentlewoman now a widow, was earnest for my stay,
and I perceiving much good there to be done, in particular
aiming at the conversion of four there, I was content to
stay and entreated the Father to do the like. He staid
and presently reconciled one, and the others not long after.
There came my lady, Mr. Palmer, the Benedictine, and a
great company besides; they found a very neat chapel,
which pleased them all well. The Father and the Bene-
dictine, as my lady told me, fell into talk of me, both of
by large portions of the laity in various parts of the country. By the
great body of the Catholic clergy these were looked upon as schis-
matics, and were refused the sacraments. Meantime numbers of the
faithful, obedient to the voice of the Holy See, suffered unflinchingly
the severe penalties prescribed by the law, unless they were wealthy
enough to buy off these extreme measures, or preferred a voluntary
exile. Blackwell was never released from prison, and died in 1613.
The oath continued to be pressed with more t»r less rigour according to
the state of public events during the reign of James, and was again
brought into play with renewed vigour during the Titus Oates panic of
1678, &c. It may here be observed that Mary Ward and her com-
panions, faithful adherents on this as on other occasions to the Holy
See, and to those who abode by its decisions, were in consequence
obnoxious to all Catholics, whether priests or laics, who took the oath.
The oath survived till our own time, and is still taken by Anglican
ministers at their " Ordinations."
Refonnatioit of a household.
them commended me much : the Father wished there were
a thousand such as I in England. I was fearful lest they
should suspect who I was, but the lady did assure me they
had not the least suspicion of me, for if they had she said
she was assured they Avould not have so much commended
me, for neither of these did approve but much oppose
against Mrs. Mary Ward and her company. We were not
more busy in disposing souls to God, than the devil (as his
custom is) was careful to hinder all he could, for unawares
come in the Justice and officers beset and searched the
house. But confiding in God, His goodness protected us,
they found nothing of danger.
This trouble ended, my lady and Mr. Palmer com-
mended the gentlewoman and her family to my care, saying
I seemed to have wrought a miracle of her and the whole
household, they were so marvellously reformed. I had
indeed instructed them, taught them the Catechism, how
to pray, provoked them to frequent the sacraments, to leave
the customs of drinking, swearing, &c., I got the locks
mended, carried oft" the keys every night with me, and to
give them the greater content, there was no servile work
about the house which I did not perform with all willing-
ness. It pleased God to give so good success to my poor
endeavours that when I would have departed to my poor
people, after I had been with them about six weeks, I
could by no means get away. The Father of the Society,
who by my means came acquainted there, at his departure
told me how much he was edified to see the good I had
done and was like to do. He seemed much consolated
that God was so much honoured here, and again wishing
many more such in England, and offered me all the assis-
tance he could afford. I saw indeed many reasons for my
longer stay; the principallest was the preservation of the
gentlewoman whose constancy w^as so much feared that her
ghostly Father wrote unto me in these words. If ail our
Before the Justice. 33
labours should be lost in her, yet would they not be lost in
Him for Whom we did t/iem. And withal entreated me
to stay with her altogether and to leave my other place,
saying it is as grateful to God to keep one from falling, as
to convert one. I answered it was an unreasonable request,
and that I would never forsake my poor friends, notwith-
standing I would endeavour the best I could to help and
comfort both, as by God's grace I have hitherto done.
Doth not this good man here a little forget himself in per-
suading me, by leaving the poor to do the same which they
are pleased to tax and cry out against our Mother and hers
for?
My longer stay in this place gave occasion of much
speech in the town : the reformation of the house, and so
many refusing to go to the heretical church, did so much
enrage the neighbours and officers, that they carried me
before a Justice, but God so provided that I was no sooner
gone, but presently came to the house to see me a couple
of gentlemen one of which was a Father of the Society,
the other akin to the Justice, wherefore he hastened after
me, and spake to the Justice in my behalf. Notwith-
standing I was much urged to conform myself to the laws
of the realm, and was threatened with imprisonment if I
would not yield. He would needs have a reason why I
would not go to their churches. " My reason is," said I,
" because I am a Roman Catholic, therefore will go to no
other Church but our own." "This answer is not con-
formable to the laws of God, the King, and realm," said the
Justice. I answered it was conformable to the laws of God,
and that was sufficient for me. " Are you a maid," said he,
"a widow, or a wife?" "I am a maid." "So much the
better," said he, "for then I hope a good husband will
persuade you to change your religion." I answered he
would find himself much deceived in that point, because I
would not for a million of worlds be other than I was.
D 2
34 Dismissal.
He said it was a pity I understood not theirs, and if I had
lived among the better sort of them, I would soon find it to
be the best. I answered : " Truly, sir, I have lived with
divers of good sort, but could never see anything .in their
lives or manners whereby I could think their religion any-
thing, much less the best." "Well," said the Justice, "I
see you are resolute, therefore as a friend, I wish you for
your own good not to meddle with others, to keep to your-
self what you know. I have been informed and much
urged to proceed against you ; they say you live purposely
with that gentlewoman to keep her a Papist, that in this
short time you have been there you have persuaded many
from the King his religion, and if you continue and proceed
as you have begun, the minister fears he shall lose all his
sheep." Then he asked whether I was a servant or com-
panion to the gentlewoman. I answered : " I am not her
servant but I do the part of a servant." " Indeed," said he,
" to give you your due, I have heard a very good report of
the charity you have used towards her, I like it well, and
do hold works of charity necessary to salvation ; notwith-
standing, doing so much as you do, others do wonder what
should be your end ; therefore again as a friend I advise
you not to impart to others what you know, and for the
gentleman his sake, who spake in your behalf, I will do
more than I can well justify," and so dismissed me. The
gentlewoman and her family were wonderful glad of my
return, and greatly confirmed in their faith to see kow God
had preserved me. And I little respecting the Justice his
command or request, went presently to a poor sick woman
in the town and persuaded her to become a Catholic and
save her soul. Finding her willing to hear, I obtained a
chamber for her in the gentlewoman's house, to the end I
might with better commodity prepare her soul for God.
The 1 6th of October I accompanied this gentlewoman
to my lady's, from thence to go to London, in the company
Further conversions. 35
of many. Two days we staid at my lady's, at which time,
with some difficulty, I got a priest to help my poor friends
at my first place. Going to London in the company of my
lady, and many others, as well priests as Catholics, I was in
great fear to be discovered, for until now, not one had the least
suspicion of me, and I had reason still to conceal myself,
because so long as I remain unknown I have no enemies
but heretics, whom I fear not at all ; but once I be known,
my lady bids me look for as many enemies of priests and
Catholics as now I have friends of them. Whilst I staid in
London, I so strangely missed of many that would have
known me, and others who formerly knew me very well now
saw and conversed with me, yet knew me not, that my lady
took particular notice thereof, and said it could not have
been but by God His Providence. Returning to the country
in my way to the gentlewoman's house, I visited my poor
and finding they never had had any help for their souls but
by me, I travelled eight miles to get a priest for them and
for a gentlewoman who had not received any sacraments in
six or eight years, by reason she had mamed an heretic, who
used her very ill. This gentlewoman at my request had
begged a piece of land of her husband for a friend of mine
to build a house, which I intend for the comfort of the
poor, to have a chapel and chamber for a priest.
The 24th of December I accompanied the gentle-
woman to my lady's to keep Christmas, where in the
beginning I had as many eyes over me as there were
persons in the house, but by God His assistance I so sorted
myself to every disposition that all seemed to like well of
me. There was a Knight's daughter who was a stranger,
she took affection to me. I brought her in a short time to
be well affected to the Catholic religion, and two others in
my lady's house I procured to be reconciled, and one of
them none of the house could do any good with, until I
took him in hand.
36 Other visitoi^s of the poor.
Of helping to the conversion of some and others boi'e the name.
Mr. Palmer, a Benedictine, liked so well my endeavours
in converting of souls and instructing the ignorant, that he
was desirous that Mrs. Arrendall {sic) and others should do
the like. My lady and I considered what was best to be
done ; we concluded it would be to God His honour that
Mrs. Arrendall and others should try what they could do in
this kind, and that I should offer them my service as I did.
God sent two fair days whilst I staid at my lady's, so I
accompanied Mrs. Arrendall and others to the houses of
poor people : they would needs have me to speak to them,
which I did, and God gave good success, for they resolved
to become Catholics, and because I could not stay to see
them reconciled I commended them for further instruction
to Mrs. Arrendall. But when Mr. Palmer asked me what I
had done, I answered that the people were desirous of sal-
vation, but I attributed all to Mrs. Arrendall, saying they
yet wanted instruction, but I doubted not but that Mrs.
Arrendall would finish what she had so happily begun, <Scc.
The next day I departed and spent about six weeks with my
gentlewoman, where my employments were as before I men-
tioned. Upon the 28th of February, returning to my lady's,
Mrs. Arrendall told me that those poor people had never
since my departure been with her, she feared much they re-
mained not constant, entreated me to go to them, as I did,
and found them as well disposed as I could wish, and
desired much to be reconciled. They gave me good reasons
for that they went not to Mrs. Arrendall, but my lady saith,
God would it should be seen who He had used as His in-
struments in this work. Two others likewise in my lady's
house in this time were reconciled by my means ; one of
them they say had been so obstinate that every one was in
despair of him.
Mary Ward discussed.
The conceit and opinion had of our Company, and daily
disputes against it, and my lady defending of it.
Mr. Palmer, the Benedictine, and others being much
pleased to see my manner of living and the good success
that God hath given unto my poor endeavours, fell many
times into speech of our Mother and Company, and said
they would see Mrs. Mary Ward send some of hers to
live and labour in the manner I do, then they should
like well of them, &c., but they live in great houses for
their own ends only, and by their means to draw the
Society thither ; others said it was unfit that religious women
should live out of monasteries, 'retiredness and recollection
were fittest for them, for that our Blessed Saviour com-
mended St. Mary Magdalen, saying she had chosen the best
part, which should not be taken from her. The lady first
answered to Mr. Palmer, and said : You see, sir, wliat N. N.
doth and you applaud her and her endeavours (as indeed
they truly deserve), therefore if this be commendable, as you
all say it is, in her, I wonder much you can so mislike
Mrs. Ward and her Company; it seems to me (though a
thing so far unfit one of your function, that I could think
my cares are mistaken) that you condemn those whom you
know not, for believe me I know Mrs. Ward and others of
hers as you know her here present and could say as much of
their progress in other places, as well in poor as rich families,
as her you daily see before your eyes, and if I should tell
you what I know concerning them, how many and great
personages converted by them, other reformations and the
like done by them, you would I doubt not approve in them
the same, and far greater in quality and number than these
you see and are so pleased with, therefore condemn not
whom, I daresay, you know not. For besides what I know
myself of them, I have heard divers learned, grave, and
virtuous men, and such as had best reason to know them,
Defended by Lady Timperley.
say, that without question the Spirit of God is with them and
hi' great measure, otherwise it were impossible for them to
-nave in all kinds and places performed so much good to
God His honour as they have done in every place where
they have lived, and in such sort performed, as I have heard
persons of good judgment avouch, hath been rare. That
they are women of much prayer, great austerities, and
exemplar lives are unknown only to such as knoweth them
not. These things granted, as truth in time will bring to
pass, I see not why such women may not as well to
God's honour live in the world, to labour the conversion
of souls as particular women {by you so much applauded)
who, if they be particular and of themselves, cannot have
so good means, at least for their own perfection as these
others, who being of a community sent by obedience,
after a long practice of mortification and solid virtues,
well grounded in humility, and although it is true that
our Blessed Saviour commended a contemplative life in
St. Mary Magdalen, yet did He neither forbid nor dis-
approve a mixed life, and I have heard divers of good judg-
ment commend, if not prefer this, if (as in these gentle-
women) contemplation be mixed with action.
Another time there came to my lady's a priest who was
to enter the Society ; he spoke bitterly against our Mother
and the Company, calling them notable Goshops {sic) &c.
The lady told me she was not edified thereat, ar^d could
not forbear to tell him her mind, and what she knew of
them as before. She still defends our Mother and Com-
pany ; for myself I need none, so long as I am not
suspected to be one of you, I am well beloved, and all
I do is exceedingly well liked of; my lady saith she
seeth God exceedingly in our course, and tells me that
we are very happy, and that without doubt our endea-
vours are very pleasing to God, since He maketh even
those who love us not to like and approve of us, them-
Advice to Sister Dorothea. 39
selves not knowing when they are it. Sometimes my
lady is merry to see how fearful they are lest she should
persuade me to be what already she knoweth I am.
And to put me out of conceit of this course they tell me
strange things of our Mother and the rest. They say
she is gone to Rome to have it confirmed ; but it will
never be, without enclosure, and if it be not confirmed, it
is no religion. I say little to them, but seeth much. Upon
April 2, 1622, Mr. Palmer again disputed against our
Company, and in jesting manner asked me if I would
be "a galloping nun " or " a preacher," &c. I answered I
was content with my present state. " Indeed," he said, " so
I might be, for I did more good than any of them had done,
yet he should like me much better if I would make the
vows of obedience and chastity to my ghostly Father."
CHAPTER III.
"Jerusalem"
1622.
The feeling of prejudice and opposition existing in
the minds of many English Catholics towards Mary
Ward and her Sisters, which Sister Dorothea's narra-
tive reveals, is still more strongly exhibited in a
document^ drawn up by the Archpriest Harrison and
his assistants before the death of the former in May,
162 1, and subsequently signed by Colleton, locum
tenens during the vacancy of that office, and by the
rest. The paper was forwarded to Rome shortly
after Mary Ward first reached the city. It was con-
veyed there to the hands of the new Agent for the
English Clergy, the Rev. John Bennett,'^ himself one
of the assistants, who had been deputed to carry the
news of the death of the Archpriest to the Pope, and
to use every effort to bring to a successful issue the
^ In the Archives of the diocese of Westminster.
^ Brother of the Rev. Edward Bennett, one of the assistants who
signs the memorial. The Archpriest Harrison describes him to Car-
dinal Bellarmine as " one of my assistants, a grave, pious, learned, and
prudent priest, who has caused great merit in this vineyard, in which he
has laboured very greatly in gaining souls for twenty-five years con-
tinuously, and has even suffered imprisonment for the faith."
State of English Catholics. 41
long-pending negotiations concerning the appoint-
ment of a bishop.
This appointment was one of the vexed questions
which had for long been the source of much divided
feeling, and even rancorous animosity, to the English
Catholics, party spirit running high among them on
several subjects. This present generation, reinstated
in the peaceful possession of so many privileges, are
perhaps not fair judges of the distresses of their fore-
fathers in these respects. It seems strange to many
among us how it came to pass, that the sufferings
resulting from the continual pressure of the severe
persecuting laws, a pressure making itself felt at the
fireside of every one amongst them, rich or poor, were
not sufficient to unite and absorb all their energies
in the noble struggle for the cause of God and His
Church. Had such been the case, the worm of discord
could not have crept in to harass and trouble them
still further. But experience teaches us constantly that
this is not usual. Times of great calamity and distress
bring forth in a marvellous way the power of God over
hearts and wills, working wonders through and over
human weakness in all sorts of beautiful deeds of
self-sacrifice and heroic courage. But they also afford
a field in which that weakness has ample opportunity
to display its miserable littlenesses and self-seeking.
All united in one in the true faith, and ready to shed
their blood for its least dogma or definition, the
Catholics of England were not exempt from the
ordinary failings of humanity, nor had they among
them leaders to whom they could look for wisdom
and prudence in dealing with the many difficult pro-
42 Divisions and Disputes.
blems which were continually arising. A thousand
things had to be calmly considered, before it could
be decided which was the most prudent course
for the Church to take, under the circumstances of
the time, circumstances altogether unprecedented
and singular. The Catholics of that time were
divided in judgment, and divisions of judgment
naturally led to diversities of feeling and even to
animosity and strife. But we must have little self-
knowledge if we do not readily excuse mistakes
and errors in judgment amidst the cruel and per-
petual excitements of a time when the visits of
pursuivants, the summons before the judge, the fears
for those valued more than life itself, the hasty flight,
or the loathsome prison, were the daily portion of
most, either in expectation or reality.
To enter upon the history of these disputes is
quite foreign to the spirit of this work. They are
only touched upon here as having been among the
causes which swelled the number of Mary Ward's
opponents in England, drawing out such strong ex-
pressions as those contained in the memorial about
to be considered. That memorial was drawn up at
a time when the re-appointment of bishops was made
a prominent question, with regard to the relations
and interests of Catholics among themselves, which
agitated the different parties into which they were
already divided. Mary Ward was ever faithful to a
strict devotion to the Holy See and its ordinances,
and Paul V. had even gone so far as to desire that
the question of new bishops for England should be
dropped as a subject for petition. It was therefore
Injurious to the Institute. 43
a question of which the right solution was not clear,
and which might be left to the wisdom of the Holy
See. At the same time, it is well known that the
Jesuit Fathers, and with them a large number of
the laity, among whom were many of Mary Ward's
friends, were, whether rightly or wrongly, opposed
to the immediate re-introduction of the Episcopate.
We have seen that Mary's work and interests in
reality stood upon a footing of their own, and were
not bound up with those of the Society of Jesus.
But what is so evident to us now was by no means
so clearly seen by her contemporaries. For, from
the circumstances of the early part of her history,
and from her continued connection and friendship
with many of the Fathers, besides the knowledge
that she had adopted the Rules of the Society for
her Institute, she and her fellow-workers were at
that time ordinarily looked upon as their disciples
and followers in whatever opinions they upheld.
Thus the larger number of those, both clergy and
laity, who were desirous to press at Rome for the
direct appointment of a bishop, had an additional
reason for opposing Mary Ward and her plans.
Yet many of these, as there is good reason to believe,
knew little with any kind of accuracy either of her
opinions or practices. It was a time when the in-
fluence of current reports, and even of strong charges,
was almost inevitable and universal. In those days
of slow communication between town and town,
country and country, there was little time for sifting
truth from falsehood, mere report from positive fact.
In many instances, therefore, we may well believe
44 Memorial of English Clergy.
that false reports were circulated, and that truth often
failed to show itself These facts must be kept in
view in reading the sweeping charges laid against
Mary Ward and her companions in the memorial of
the clergy, for which, grave as their nature was, no
circumstantial evidence was ever produced through
all the searching examinations to which her work
was subjected in later time, and which in all her
own public documents she distinctly rebutted as
untrue.
The authors of the memorial^ begin with setting
forth the indisputable fact that " the Catholic faith
has been propagated hitherto* in no other way than
by apostolic men of approved virtue and constancy."
They then immediately introduce the new Institute
of women as "professing to be devoted to the con-
version of England in no other way than as priests."
Its rapid growth is spoken of in spite of the contempt
entertained for such projects, especially by the wisest.
The writer names the members as " Jesuitresses," but
says "they have, in mockery of so incongruous an
Institute, many ridiculous appellations." Mary Ward
is next spoken of by name, but in few words, as
remaining for a few months only as a probationer
among the nuns of St. Clare, and then setting herself
to found a new Order, taking the Jesuit Fathers as
' See the translation in Note i, Appendix to Book V.
* This affirmation was fully answered in defence of the Institute by
several learned men, as will be seen below, who adduce the examples
of women saints of the early and later Church, both before St. Mary
Magdalene, chosen by our Lord Himself as the first witness to the
Resurrection and the messenger to the Apostles, and since, as Phoebe
mentioned by St. Paul, and many other such, in support of the way of
life introduced by Mary Ward.
Charges against the Institute, 45
her pattern. Those who came to her she " instructed
in Latin, trained them to hold exhortations publicly,
engage in conversations with externs, manage families,
&c., preparing the most approved for the English
Mission," The members of her Institute "profess
the offices of the Apostolic function, travel hither and
thither, change their ground and habit, and, accom-
modating themselves to the manners and condition
of seculars," "do anything, in fact, under the pretext
of exercising charity to neighbours," and yet wish to
be looked upon as a religious Congregation,
The writer, "with his assistants and all English
priests and Catholics generally, both at home and
abroad, thinks " that the Institute was not known to
Paul v., for, if known, it would not have been ap-
proved, for the following reasons — (i) that it was never
heard of in the Church that women should discharge
the Apostolic office ; (2) the Institution is contrary
to the decrees of the Council of Trent ; (3) the
members arrogate to themselves the power to speak
of spiritual things before grave men and priests, and
to hold exhortations in assemblies of Catholics and
usurp ecclesiastical offices ; (4) it is feared they will
run into errors of various kinds ; (5) they go about
cities and provinces, are in houses of rich Catholics,
change their habit, travel indifferently either as ladies
of consequence or as poor persons, sometimes in rich
garments, sometimes in poor, are sometimes many
together, sometimes alone, and are to be found among
seculars of good or bad morals. Also they go to and
fro to Belgium as suits them. The other items are
much alike in import, being general charges and
46 Further Charges.
aspersions against the characters of the " Jesuitresses,"
as "a scandal and disgrace to both Catholics and
heretics," idle, garrulous, and immodest, known by
the former as " Galloping Girls " and " Apostolicae
Viragines," and " a shame and scorn to pious people."
From all these considerations the writers wonder
how it is that the Jesuit Fathers support this Institute,
while all others protest and condemn it — a fact the
more surprising, as it is contrary to their Constitutions
to involve themselves in the government of women.
Yet the Jesuitresses are accustomed to have recourse
to' them on all occasions and for all their affairs.
The memorial concludes with the old charge, already
brought forward publicly and refuted, of their en-
trapping those ladies who would otherwise have
entered other orders of women, in order to attach
them to their own.
There is no need to comment at length on the
several charges here briefly epitomized. With regard
to that of engaging in ecclesiastical functions, Mary
Ward's words to Pope Gregory XV. may be recalled,
in which she expressly excepts from the objects of
the Institute "all such things as are only lawful for
priests to exercise." For the rest, all that our readers
already know of the lives of Mary and her associates
will be a sufficient answer. But one very striking
consideration forces itself upon the mind in examining
the memorial before us in conjunction with the real
employments of the members of the Institute as
pourtrayed in Sister Dorothea's narrative. In reading
such words as those of the charge, laid as though a
crying scandal, against them, of " doing anything, in
Work of women allowed. 47
fact, under the pretext of exercising charity to neigh-
bours, and yet wishing to be numbered amongst
rehgious famiHes," we are at once struck by the fact,
that in the Church of the present day, there are many
recognized and highly useful congregations of women
to which the words might apply. But, in considering
these charges, so many of which will seem to us
unfounded, while so many others have been overruled
by the practice of the Church in the times \v\. which
we live, we must again and again remember the
difference between those times and our own, and
also the very grave nature of the question which the
Holy See had to settle in the case before us.
It is true, that, in the days in which we live,
there is no longer any question whether ladies can
be employed, not certainly in the functions of the
apostolical ministry as such, to which few of the
Roman authorities could have imagined Mary and
her friends to have aspired, but in the work for souls
which has so many various forms and departments,
and which needs the labours of all the children of
the Church, in whatever way they can help her cause.
That question is no longer doubtful, if it ever was
doubtful. It has been settled long ago, and there
are at present scores of communities in the Church
whose principle of life and action is almost exactly
that which the English Virgins were endeavouring
to introduce. The Church in these latter days has
gone the full length of allowing these congregations
of women. She has allowed to them, in many cases,
no small measure of independence of the ordinaries,
and almost complete self-government, even to the
48 Mary Ward's petitions.
extent, in some cases, of a General Superior, whose
office lasts for life, a point which was so much
opposed in the Institute of the Society of Jesus itself.
This is perfectly true, and Mary Ward and her com-
panions deserve the full glory of having seen, in their
own time, the usefulness, even, in a certain measure,
the necessity of such permissions on the part of the
Holy See. So far the course of events and the lapse
of time have answered sufficiently the charges made
by these English ecclesiastics on the question of
principle involved in the petitions and aims of Mary
Ward. But this must not carry us on further than
is just. After the question of principle must come
the question of prudence, and of the practicability of
the working the new Institute, under the very different
circumstances of those days, and with the certainty
that it would be violently opposed in the very land
for which it was especially designed. Moreover, this
new Institute claimed to be independent of ordinary
episcopal authority, the place of which could not
possibly be taken, as is the case of other orders of
women, by the priests of the Religious Order, the
Constitutions of which it was desired to adopt, and
the aims of which it was intended to imitate as far
as the difference of sex made it possible. What the
Holy See was asked by Mary Ward to do was to
found a new Society of Jesus for women, with a
woman for the General Superior, and this in a land
in a state of severe persecution, and where the
Catholics themselves were all but hopelessly divided.
There were difficulties here by the side of which the
foolish insinuations against the prudence, and even
Charges never examined. 49
the character, of the English Virgins niust have
seemed insignificant indeed.
It must, however, in all historical fairness be re-
membered that, although the Pontiff or the Cardinals
may almost certainly have seen in the demands by
Mary Ward and her company abundant reasons for
the refusal to sanction the Institute, especially as she
would accept of no modification of its characteristic
features, it must still have been of very serious detri-
ment to these English Ladies that charges of the kind
now mentioned were made against them. The Holy
See did not need these charges, as we may well sup-
pose, to induce it to act as it did, and yet they may
have done most serious and lasting injury. The
reason for this remark will become evident as the
story of Mary Ward draws on. Without blaming
any one, we may yet say that hers has been a sin-
gularly unfortunate lot, if it was an unfortunate lot
to have had the most damaging charges made
against her and to have had no opportunity of
refuting them. These charges were not made in such
a way as to admit of judicial examination, and the
whole of . the history, as we know it now, shows
that they were unfounded or, at least, grossly
exaggerated. " It is not the custom of the Romans,"
says Festus in the Acts^ " to condemn any man,
before that he who is accused have his accusers
present, and have liberty to make his answer to
clear himself of the things laid to his charge." ^
But, in the case of Mary Ward, it unfortunately
appears to have happened that many charges
' Acts XXV. 16.
E 2
50 Another report.
against her, which she was not then called on to
answer, as there were reasons enough against her
plans without them, remained stored up in docu-
ments at Rome, to be used long after the immediate
occasion was past, and when their accuracy was
not tested by full examination. It could not but
seem safe to assume that charges made in such docu-
ments as that from which we have been quoting were
not unfounded, and yet this is the very last thing that
Mary and her friends would have admitted, nor has
any evidence ever been forthcoming to prove their
truth. This must be said once for all, and it is neces-
sary for the right and just estimation of the case of
Mary Ward, as it was judged not only in her life-
time, but long after her death.
But the list, already numerous of those inimical
to Mary Ward and her work at this period, has still
further to be increased. Another report of the Insti-
tute was made in common with that of all the reli-
gious communities for Englishwomen in Belgium, by
order of the Papal Nuncio at Brussels, in the autumn
of the year 1622, by Dr. Kellison, President of Douay
College,^ and was doubtless forwarded to Rome.
Though more moderate in wording than the memo-
rial, the spirit in which it is written differs from that
exhibited in the accounts given of the other commu-
nities of religious, and is also betrayed by many
inaccuracies. In describing the origin of the Insti-
tute, the document states that Father Roger Lee,
" a great adept at drawing everything to the Society
® The MS. is in the Archives of the diocese of Westminster, vol.
xvi. p. 645.
Dr. Kellison. 51
under pretence of piety, dealt in such a manner with
a certain virgin of singular talent and eloquence (who
was afterwards named General of that Congregation,
and now works at Rome for it), that he allowed her
who was ready for profession in the Gravelines
Convent to make a new Institute in imitation of the
Society." The work of the members in England and
elsewhere is described in a truer and more charitable
spirit. Besides engaging in the education of girls,
they are stated as " obtaining access to noble women,
in order to instruct them and even their husbands in
Christian doctrine, teaching them how to make acts
of contrition, meditation, and other spiritual exer-
cises." If the aspersions against their way of life and
morals, so unsparingly directed against them in the
document from England, are not altogether omitted,
they are at least less violent and offensive in expres-
sion. The writer also makes the same charge which
we have seen fettering Mary Ward's hands, by alarm-
ing the fears of parents as to the instability of the
state of life which their daughters sought to embrace,
and adds the unproved assertion that when their
dowries were exhausted these ladies were returned
to their relatives. No instance of such a fact having
occurred is on record.
Dr. Kellison also writes further on the position
taken by the Jesuit Fathers towards Mary Ward and
the Institute. It has already been fully recognized
that, whatever difficulties fell upon the latter by their
supposed subjection and conformity in opinions and
practices of the Society of Jesus, the support and
countenance given to them were confined to a portion
52 Friends and opponents.
of that body, though amongst these were numbered
some of the most distinguished of their members,
eminent for holiness and learning. Sister Dorothea's
history has given further evidence on this point. The
report mentions this apparent division, but adds that
latterly the Institute had been " publicly deserted by
all " the Fathers, a result which must now have been
patent to all observers, and which came itself, as it is
natural to suppose, from the orders of the General
which have been named in a preceding chapter. Still,
says Dr. Kellison, some among them blamed, and
some praised the Institute. He proceeds to attribute
Mary Ward's journey to Rome to this general defec-
tion. This indeed may have been in some measure
true, as it has been shown that the increasing difficulties
surrounding her work hastened her steps thither.
With so formidable an array of opponents before
us, which the preceding chapters have revealed, we
begin to feel as if the hands of all men were against
Mary Ward and her work. We have, however, again
to call to mind that the opposition raised against her
centred in England, and arose, for the greater part,
from the unhappy circumstances in which that country
was plunged. To those unhappy circumstances must
be mainly attributed the sufferings of the struggle,
involving nothing less than the life of her Institute, in
which she was engaged, and the untoward results of
that struggle. At this period her foreign friends
doubtless greatly exceeded both in number and
eminence of worldly position those among her own
nation. But she was far from being unsupported in
England as her enemies gave out. Her English
Father And7^ew White. 53
friends indeed were less open-mouthed on the subject
of her merits, than those against her were on that
of her faults. The former aided and worked for her
more silently but effectually, and there is every
reason to believe that during these years the number
of the members of the Institute occupied in pious
labours in England was considerable. A valuable
testimony to the solidity and efficacy of those labours
for the permanent good of the Church is to be found
in a document by Father Andrew White/ written in
the year 162 1, i.e. the year Mary Ward took her
journey to Rome.
The opinion of this holy and learned religious,^
^ In the Nymphenburg Archives, a copy in English, apparently in
the hand of Father Andrew \Yhite himself. The old spelling has been
changed in the text.
* Father Andrew White was born in 1579. He entered the Society
of Jesus at Louvain in 1607, having been previously imprisoned in
England during the first year of his priesthood in 1606, and sentenced
to perpetual banishment. He was engaged subsequently on the English
Mission for different periods, and was conspicuous for his learning and
sanctity of life, both when thus employed and in the various offices he
held in his own Order abroad. While in England in 1633, he was
selected with two other Fathers to attend the Catholic planters sent
out by Lord Baltimore to the new territory of Maryland just granted to
that nobleman by Charles I. Here he lived a life of toil and privation
among the Indians for ten years. God bestowed upon him many
marvellous graces while evangelizing the natives and making many
conversions among the Protestant part of the new population, as well
as taking charge of the Catholic settlers. But the bitter spirit of perse-
cution had crossed even to the New World, and in 1644 a party of
soldiers from the Puritan colony of Virginia attacking Maryland,
Father White was made prisoner, and sent off in chains to England
with two of his companions. Arraigned for high treason, expecting no
less than a sentence of death, he continued to practise amidst the hard-
ships of a cruel prison the austerities which were his ordinary custom.
Fasting twice a week on bread and water, the gaoler remarked to him
54 Charitable gift.
justly styled "the Apostle of Maryland," and gifted
by God in many remarkable ways, is worthy of great
consideration. Its date shows it to have been written
by him in the interval between his labours in the
houses of his Society in Spain and Belgium, where
he filled various arduous posts, and the date of his
voyage to America, where he accompanied the first
settlers in 1633. This interval was passed by Father
White as a missioner in England, and he then became
further acquainted with the merits and virtues of
the members of the Institute of English Virgins,
which must first have been brought before him at
Liege when Professor of Divinity in that city. In
this document Father White mentions that a sum of
money has been promised by two gentlemen,
— towards the setting up of some pious work, which,
coram D)io, I shall think most glorious to Almighty God,
most necessary for the Holy Church's universal good, help
of our countr}', and perpetual honour and benefit of their
families. And having now duely and exactly weighed in
the sight of God our Creator and Lord what this work
ought to be ; do find and clearly see that none may be
compared in these conditions with the holy Institute which
out of His infinite goodness and tender mercy the Holy
with astonishment : " If you treat your old body so badly, you will not
be strong enough to be taken to be hanged at Tyburn," " It is this
very fasting," replied the Father, " which gives me strength enough to
bear all for the sake of Christ. " Condemned once again to perpetual
banishment, Father \Yhite sought earnestly from his Superiors to return
to Mar}land, but from his advancing years this was not granted. He
went back, however, to England, where his life was prolonged to
labour for yet twelve years, the latter part of which was spent in the
south-western districts. Father Andrew White died a holy death in
1656.
Description of Institute. 55
Ghost hath inspired to His devout servant and spouse, the
illustrious virgin and most Reverend Mother Mary Warde,
chief Superior of the sacred beginning Society of Jesus for
Women, and like a flower of sweetest odour and sovereign
virtue hath placed in the paradise of His Church to parallel
that matchless simple {sic) of the Fathers of the Society of
Jesus, as well in fragrant sanctity of self-perfection, as help
of neighbours, conversion of souls, education of children in
schools, correctories {sic), sodalities, and such like : teaching
chiefly Christian doctrine, modesty, and piety, with all other
ornaments belonging to women, of needle [work], music, and
higher learning, moral and divine, according to the capacity
of that sex : which as at first it mainly helped forward the
inflow of heresy and corrupted, by the same corrupteth
their children in their infancy and so infecteth the seed-
hopes of a future world : so being voysed {sic) [voiced] to
perfection and sanctity in some and reinforced to glorious
great intents of working the greatest glory they can to God :
do not content themselves to live in monasteries for them-
selves alone : and assist only with penances and prayers the
forces of God in field under the colours of the holy Cross,
but according to their measure of grace and devout value
of their estate like St. Sabba his virgin, leave their rest and
retreat as our Blessed Saviour did His Father's bosom to
squench {sic) the fire of sin and heresy, and by Divinest
endeavours to reduce souls to God, for Whom they were
created, and therefore have learned divines and guides of
souls much praised this Institute. The highest Bishop by
the Cardinals of Congregation of the Council of Trent com-
mended the same, and God Himself by miraculous passages
of love unto it made it illustrious to the world, through
infinite crosses, contradictions, pressures, prisons and perse-
cutions, working still by strong, sweet, and prudent patience,
heroical acts in the service of God, strange conversions,
mutations of manners, change of life, increase of sanctity,
56 Gift for the Institute.
hopes of infinite spiritual fruit in the Holy Church, to the
comfort and admiration of all that know them, and glory of
Christ Jesus, Whose arms, name, and livery they desire to
wear, to Whom be praise and renown and wisdom and
thanksgiving, honour, power, and strength for ever. Amen.
Therefore by these to the greater glory of God our
Creator and Lord, I name and design the abovesaid holy
Institute of the Society of Jesus, beginning under and by
the Divine motion and light of the Holy Ghost working in
the heart of the most reverend and illustrious Mother Mary
Warde, chief Superior thereof: that the above-named sum
be given to the said most Reverend Mother or her assigns
or successors for the better advancing of her desires therein :
and these I declare with as free a heart as I desire God
should bestow His glory on mine own soul. And for that
the honour of such an alms may never die amongst the
said sacred Mothers of this holy Society of Jesus, and the
families of these worthy gentlemen may always reap the
deserved fruits of glory for time to come ; this designation
made conditions that the main sum be put forth to rent
charges, with clauses of mutual redemption, emolument,
benefit, or some use justly devised, and the principal be
conserved entire ever to help one or more houses of this
holy Institute, or other public affairs thereof according to
the will, dispose, or direction of the same most Reverend
Mother Chief {sic) that now is, or for the time shall be.
But in case, which God forbid, this holy work should
not go forward, and holy Church should for the present not
deserve for my sins and those of many more so helpful an
ornament as this, for hereof, as yet, howbeit there be in
some a Divine faith upon particular light and revelation of
God, and in others a supernatural assurance out of the
principles of more than human prudence, yet notwith-
standing, seeing there is no Catholic faith thereof proposed
by the authority of the Church ; it is altogether necessary,
Conditions. 5 7
according to the intention of the gentlemen above-named,
who intend hereby a permanent service to God and His
holy Church, that in such a case, the sum be disposed of
by them, and designed by me now for then : and by these
presents is disposed of and designed, as followeth : First,
that although this Institute should happen never to be
approved for a religion by the See Apostolic, but these
happy souls should yet maintain a figure and form of com-
munity and live together as collegiate virgins as now- they
do with desire of religion in this Institute, notwithstanding,
shall this principal and fruit thereof ever be theirs. Secondly,
if they should (which never will happen) ever break up alto-
gether form of community, and live each from other so that
one may say, the work is utterly dissolved but the members
thereof deceased, or the Institute itself altered especially
in the point of independence of any man but His Holiness,
from that which the said most Reverend Mother Chief
Superior that now is shall set down, then do the gentlemen
above-named dispose of now for then : and I design this
principal and fruits thereof to be given to the Fathers of
the Society of Jesus, of that province in which Shepton
Mallet of Somersetshire shall be : with this proviso, that,
in case they by any mean understanding of this clause do
not in express hope to succeed, anything directly or in-
directly to hurt this work, or concur to the ruin or hindrance
of this holy Society beginning, for then they deserve to be
deprived thereof, and the last that liveth of this sacred body
shall dispose of the principal and fruits in some pious per-
manent work, which shall make most for the greatest glory
of God and good of souls. In witness whereof I firm this
with mine own hand and name, this fourth of February
anno dni 162 1, stilo prisco, London.
Andrew White,
P. of the Society of Jesu.
^
5 8 ' 'Jerusalem. "
It was said of Mary Ward during her lifetime
that " it was more advantageous to be her enemy
than her friend." In closing this chapter it seems
not out of place to speak of this eminent grace which
is exemplified with great beauty in various ways in
her personal history. In gathering together material
in order to give a correct account of her difficulties
and trials, it is most striking to find that among her
numerous writings and those of her companions but
three names are mentioned of those who did her
wrong, and this without a comment. From the date
at which we now have arrived, onwards, the opposition
she encountered became more extended, more violent,
and more bitter. But Mary and her companions at
her instigation, never swerved from that charity which
is ever "kind, patient, not provoked to anger, thinketh
no eval, beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth
all things, endureth all things." The evil deed is
sometimes recorded in simple words as necessary to
the history, but the evil-doer is invariably concealed.
Even in the confidential intercourse which existed
between her and her associates there was no change
in this respect. They had a. general nomenclature,
very characteristic of Mary herself, with whom it
originated, by which the authors of their sufferings
were distinguished. This noni de guerre was " Jeru-
salem." Our readers will easily trace its signification.
Who can doubt that these "good friends," as they
also named them, will be found to have aided them
no little to obtain a high place in the Jerusalem
above .''
CHAPTER IV.
The Institute on Trial.
1622, 1623.
To return to the English Ladies in Rome. After
Pope Gregory's gracious reception of Mary, their
affairs had been at once laid before the Congregation
of Bishops and Regulars, and in the brief which he
sent to the Congregation, the Pontiff expressed, in the
strongest manner, his desire to show favour towards
them and their Institute. His answers to the Emperor
and the King of Spain as well as to the Infanta,
evinced the same spirit. Already several Congrega-
tions had been held, when a change became visible in
the opinions of some of the Cardinals who were assist-
ing. Doubtless Mary Ward was acquainted with the
reasons from the knowledge she obtained of what was
passing in various directions. The influence was work-
ing which was to have such fata! effects in the course
of time. Between the date of Mary's audience with
the Pope and the middle of the summer, the memorial
from England must have been presented to Gregory.
The absence among the signatures of the Assistants of
that of the Rev. John Bennett, though himself one of
their number, and opposed, as we shall hereafter see to
Mary Ward and the Institute, leads to the belief
6o John Bennett's letters.
that the memorial was signed and forwarded to him
after he was at Rome. Clearly Gregory could not
have seen it until the Congregations of the Cardinals
on the subject of the Confirmation were already being
held.
Bennett's views concerning the Institute are
plainly visible in his correspondence. In February,
1622, he writes to Dr. Bishop, shortly afterwards made
Bishop of Chalcedon :
The Jesuitrices here follow their suit underhand. The
Jesuits disclaim openly, but I know they assist underhand
what they can; but they will never in this Court get allow-
ance, but with clausure, as I am made assured. The matter
is a ridiculous folly to all the grave that I hear speak of it in
this Court.
Again a month later he writes :
The Jesuitrices have exhibited ridiculous petitions, which
have scandalised this Court. They would take a fourth vow
to be sent amongst the Turks and infidels to gain souls.
Briefly, clausure they must embrace, and some Order already
approved, else dissolve. But of clausure they will not hear,
and in other Orders there is not the perfection they aim at :
and this they have not been ashamed to answer to these
great prelates, who think of them accordingly. Infirinavit
Dejis consilimn Achitophel. I marvel what madmen advised
them hither with these fooleries.
And again :
They are a folly to this town, and I assure you have
much impeached the opinion which was held of the modesty
and shamefacedness of our countrywomen. Finally, with-
out clausure they must dissolve, which is fit were known
All or nothing. 6i
with you, that they delude no more young women to the
hazard of their ruin. Here are carried about many odd
histories of them.
These remarks show very well the impression pro-
duced, on minds not favourable to her plans, of the
resolute and uncompromising line taken by Mary
Ward. She would have all or nothing. It is quite
clear that, at Rome at least, there was no lack of
a disposition to meet her half-way. As a matter of
fact, even at the present day, it would not be easy to
find a recognized congregation of religious women
carrying out, in all details, the plan which she desired
to have approved in the seventeenth century. In-
closure is not, indeed, of strict and universal obli-
gation in the Congregations which have taken up
work similar to hers, but even in these inclosure is
practically observed. Mary and her companions were
strict enough in the rules against admitting externs
into their houses, but they wished, on account of the
circumstances of England, to be allowed themselves
to go out as freely as the Filles de la Charite
among ourselves. She put forward in her memorial,
as we have seen in a former chapter, a resolution to
adhere to the Constitutions of St. Ignatius which
might be taken by an unfriendly person as the ground
of the remark just quoted in Bennett's letter, that in
other orders there is not the perfection they aim at.
Thus, to him, the "counsel of Achitophel was brought
to weakness." The English Virgins might be winning
golden opinions as to their personal virtue, but the
line which they took before the Congregation was
not guided by a policy likely to conciliate opposition.
62 Memorial before the Pope.
They acted as if the fact that the Constitutions of
the Society of Jesus had been approved for that
Order, made their own proposed adoption of the same
Constitutions a measure which they had a right to
expect to be granted, unless some overwhelming
reason could be shown to the contrary. But at
Rome their plan was naturally viewed as one for
which the Holy See must require overwhelming
reasons in order to grant it.
After two or three audiences with the Pope, and
assisting at the deliberations of the Cardinals of
the Inquisition, John Bennett, at length, in June of
the year we are considering, obtained from the latter
a decree declaring it advisable that a bishop should
be appointed for the Church in England. About this
time, or at one of his other interviews with the
Holy Father, in order to secure the advantage which
his exertions had gained, the memorial concerning
Mary Ward and the Institute was probably brought
forward. It was a stroke aimed at those who were
opposing the introduction of Episcopal Rule, in part
perhaps to show some of the results which ensued
from its absence, and it told with good effect. Mary
must have been expecting the blow, which had not
yet fallen, when, foreseeing what would happen, she
followed up the discussions of the Fourth Congrega-
tion of Regulars respecting her business, by a petition
in the name of herself and her companions, presented
in the Fifth Assembly. At the earlier meetings it
would seem that both the Cardinals and the Pope
had appeared favourable to the adoption of Mary's
plans in full. The change which had been working
Petition to the Cardinals. 63
becomes, however, visible from the contents of this
petition, the subject of inclosure having been intro-
duced at the session just ended. The petition will
also show Mary's consequent course of action. It is
as follows •}
Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord, — The English
Ladies having been notified that in the last Congregation
this, among other means, was discussed, namely, that,
their Institute preserved, they should be confirmed under
the name of Oblates, with the form of inclosure like
that of the Torre di Specchio, in order to avoid an
entire inclosure ; which being very far from that manner
of living which they have until now practised, and which
was chosen by them, therefore more time is necessary,
well to consider and recommend the matter to God
before they can determine and give a decision as to the
above. And because these Ladies think that they shall not
leave Rome so soon, in order that the decision may be made
beforehand upon what they ask, therefore they humbly
entreat your Lordship to grant that, in the interval while
they remain here in Rome, they may, at their own expense,
do the same things which they have done in other places
where they have been, in order that your Lordship may
better see and understand their habits and manner of living.
And for so great a favour these Ladies will ever pray, etc.
If this petition is compared with the accounts
Mary herself gives of the whole business on two
different occasions, it will be seen that she must have
had information that not only a delay, but an entire
^ Nymphenbiirg Archives. In Italian, addressed outside,
"Al molto Illmo. eh Rmo. Signe. il Monsigr. Campegio, Secretario.
della Congregatione de' Vescovi et Regolare." Docketed in another
ancient hand, "dated, July i, 1622, 5 Congregation, writt out."
64 Account of proceedings.
refusal from the Pope was imminent. The first of
these accounts was in a memorial- sent to Cardinal
Bprghese three years subsequently ; the other was
addressed to Pope Urban VI 1 1, at a still later period,
and will be quoted in its place. To Cardinal
Borghese, in 1625, Mary, in conjunction with her com-
panions, writes that
Pope Gregory XV., of happy memory, received them at
first graciously and laid their business before the Congrega-
tion of Regulars, returning very excellent letters to the
Princes [whose recommendations they had brought to
Rome], expressing all that favour which they had claimed
towards the Institute and its members. But the enemy of
all good instigated some ecclesiastics and religious (through
jealousy alone of the resemblance of their Institute to that
of the Society of Jesus) to deprive them of their good fame,
by most false reports, saying and affirming that the said
Ladies preach in pulpits or places of assembly, and that
they dispute publicly de rebus divi?iis, with other similar
most false and extravagant things, far removed from their
habits or thoughts. Nevertheless these reports were but too
much believed, and some of the Illustrious Lord Cardinals
of the said Congregation of Regulars have shown them-
selves to be of these opinions even until now, and those
falsehoods were the cause that His Holiness Gregory XV.
then made difficulties as to confirming their Institute. See-
ing wliich the said Ladies petitioned that leave should be
granted them to live here in Rome in a collegiate manner,
or as for many years they had lived elsewhere (in order that
experience might prove their habits not to be such as they
were said to be by their adversaries), which was found good
and conceded by His Holiness and the said Congregation
- Nymphenburg Archives.
Petition granted, 65
of Regulars. They have therefore put this into execution
and resided here in Rome until the present time, which is
nearly the space of three years.
Nothing could be better, under the circumstances,
than the proposal now made, that the Institute should
be fairly tried. Mary's wisdom is manifest in asking
at this juncture to be permitted to practise their way
of life in Rome before the eyes of the Pope and Car-
dinals, and thus to live down the accusations which
had been brought forward, and win their approval. She
was clear-sighted enough to be aware that a refusal
from the Holy See on the question of the principles
involved in the proposed Institute, supported by such
reasons as those urged in the memorial, would be
all but ruin and was to be hindered at whatever cost.
But it was a venturesome undertaking when we re-
member that such a way of life was quite new to the
Church at large. Such an attempt would scarcely
have been risked by any but one so brave as she was.
It shows at the same time the confidence she had
in the solid virtues and discretion of those with her,
and yet more, her confidence in God that He would
carry them safely through such an ordeal. Her
proposition was made opportunely, and granted.
We shall see that Mary herself personally had
much to do with its acceptance. Had it been
delayed, however, this petition would probably have
been refused by Gregory equally with that for con-
firmation. It was natural that the opposition to
her plans should have increased during the sittings
of the Congregation. Many had listened and given
credence to the reports which were but too soon
F
66 Undertaking difficult.
freely circulated, and were actively engaging them-
selves against her proposals. In turning for in-
formation to the manuscript,^ already largely quoted,
we find the writer's lips indeed sealed as to more
than a general allusion to individuals. Still she
:says :
It would too far pass the limits of this pretended relation
to particularize all her oppositions and opposers, some
regardlessly public and in their own colours openly employed
their whole power, others pretending friendship had the
larger field and more favourable occasion to play their game
and gain the effect of their designs ; but God Almighty gave
His servant charity enough generously to pardon the one
and the other, and skill, prudence, and courage so to carry
the business, as notwithstanding all the efforts of her
adversaries, she obtained to do in Rome as in other
places, that was, both in their own personal practice, as con-
cerns our manner of living, and for what regards our neigh-
bour and assistance to others, in instructing the youth of our
sex in virtue and piety, and showing them moreover, gratis,
how to labour in works and other things fitting for young
girls.
It is clear also, that the permission now given
would not have been accorded, if the highest Roman
authorities had attached implicit credence to the
.injurious reports about the English Ladies, The
Institute had now a good opportunity of being
tried and seen at work. But this would not have
ibeen granted, if its members had already been
♦deemed unworthy of confidence or consideration,
at least by those highest in authority. Mary
liad probably never anticipated making any settle-
* Winefrid Wigmore's biography.
Barbara Ward's illness. 67
ment in Rome when she undertook the journey-
thither, but the Providence of God had so brought
it about, and she set herself to the task in good
earnest. Her five travelling companions were by
no means sufficient to develope a work, which not
only by its efficiency and practical usefulness, but
by exhibiting at the same time all the beautiful
order and regularity of a grave community life, might
find favour in the opinion, as well of the Pope and the
Sacred College, as of all Rome itself For no less
was requisite, Mary judging rightly that the eyes of
the whole city would be upon them. Reinforcements
to their strength as to numbers were plainly necessary.
Besides, of the five travellers, Barbara Ward, the
sympathising and loving sister who had hitherto
shared so largely in all Mary's toils and anxieties,
was soon to be taken from her, and was at this time
not only unfit for active work of any kind, but in fact
dying by slow degrees.
We have seen that in June, 1622, in the midst of
the negotiations with the Congregation of Cardinals,
the whole of the household had been visited with an
epidemic. This complaint, which was supposed to be
a kind of small-pox, from which the rest were soon
free, laid a withering hand on Barbara's health. She
caught cold and the disease was turned inwards.
When somewhat recovered from the first attack, the
good nuns of the Torre de' Specchi offered their aid,
and she spent a few weeks with them in the hopes
that their care and nursing would entirely restore her,
while she at the same time had an opportunity of
being instructed in the Italian language. But she
68 Reinforcements from Liege.
returned no better, and as the hot weather advanced
she failed gradually. By the alms of kind friends, her
companions were enabled, though with great difficulty
to themselves, to take Barbara out of the intense heat
of a Roman summer, thirty miles into the country.
But she did not rally, and came back only to be con-
fined to her bed, and needing for her alleviation all
the attention which the devotion and love of her
Sisters in religion lavished upon her.
Meanwhile Mary had quickly determined upon
adding to the community at Rome from among those
she had left behind at Liege and elsewhere. Besides
the novices at the Novitiate House there were then
many of the older members from St. Omer who had
been transferred to Liege, leaving not more than
fourteen or sixteen at the original mother-house. Of
Mary's correspondence with Barbara Babthorpe on the
subject of a further transplantation to Rome, only a
fragment of a letter remains, which also is apparently
not the first. It seems rather to be an addition to
others already sent, and contains her final decisions as
to some of those summoned and those who were to
remain behind. Her reasons for sending for Barbara
herself, for which she almost apologises, are not
apparent. It was scarcely alone to convoy the rest of
the party, for Barbara was then filling the responsible
post of Provincial of the Houses of the Institute in
Belgium and Germany. Mary perhaps wished, on this
very account, both to take council with Barbara, of
whose judgment she had so high an opinion, and to
give her further directions for her guidance. The
attitude of the Holy See towards the Institute was in
Style of Mary's letters. 69
some degree less favourable than that of which they
had been assured by Paul V., and it may have appeared
to Mary needful that Barbara should be more fully
acquainted with what was going on than could be
prudently communicated by letter. She certainly did
not remain as a permanent inmate at Rome, as we
find her again at Liege the following year.
The characteristics of Mary's ordinary correspond-
ence with her companions are very observable in the
fragment of the letter to Barbara on this occasion —
her cheerfulness, and the total absence of anything
like a complaint or a murmur concerning either a cir-
cumstance or a person, however vexatious or contrary,
the care to avoid what in the least might approach to
a sad or discouraging view of things, or in any way
depress her correspondent, even entering readily
into some little joke which had been retailed to her,
may be noted. Her style, too, with its simplicity
and natural homely wording, and the absence of
anything like affectation or exaggeration, affords a
happy contrast to the laboured, flowery compositions
so generally in vogue in her own day, even in
familiar intercourse such as these letters bring before
us. In the first part of her letter, which has been
carefully cut away, Mary seems to have been writing
of the Sister who was to be the Superioress in Rome.
She proceeds :
This 29th of 8bre, 1622.
Two companions to help her in businesses and a Sister
to cooke to her and do necessary things for her : we waste
Superiors for want of helps, I can speak by experience :
Mary Cam [pian] and she may call Doll Rookwood or some
70 Letter to Barbara Babthorpe.
other that can write well and fast, but alas you have no
other ! I think for the present she must be glad to use her.
What shifts will you make for a companion for Mother
Anne, by all means allot her one out of hand, it will destroy
her health utterly to be always present. For lay-sisters for
this place, I like well of Margett and little Nell, sup-
posing what you say. Jane de la Cost can do little in the
opinion of all here, and I would not have you venture
Mary Chator. Nell were very fit if she leave her fooleries,
as all here think. Jesus be with you. The next week I
will write again, but if you be ready before stay not of it.
Make I not bold with your sickly body to send for you so
hard a journey in the deep of winter ! I have great
confidence of your safe coming, but how much and ex-
ceedingly do I desire that your coming and all those that
come might be more secret than to any work we took in
hand, both there and by the way, and rather none went
to confession in the way than you should be discovered.
Mirth at this time is next to grace. God's blessing have
Mother Elis. her heart for knocking your sooty fingers ! ^
Mother Anne Gage, for whose health Mary is so
careful, had been left by her as Superioress in Liege.
It appears as if Susanna Rookvvood had been her
companion, who is now needed for Rome, where her
writing powers will be called into play to aid Mary
Poyntz, the other companion of the Superioress
there, who is here named by the frequent alias of
* Manuscript letter Nymphenburg Archives in Mary Ward's large
handwriting. It is addressed on the outside " For the very Rd. Mother,
Mor. Barbara Babthorpe, Proll. of ours, Leige." There are many
fragments of letters in the collections similarly carefully cut off from the
context, apparently by the original possessors, as letters containing
private matter, or what might prove dangerous if falling into unsafe
hands. In others, names and sometimes whole lines are erased, for the
same purpose, doubtless.
Organization of schools. 71
Campian, which she mostly bore abroad. The name
of the Superioress is not mentioned, but was possibly
Mother Elisabeth Cotton,^ who is soon mentioned
among the household at Rome. Mother Margaret
Horde was procuratrix. Mary's anxieties as to the
condition of her affairs, creep out in her earnest
desire that their journey should be unknown ta
either friends or opposers. Her plan for her Roman
work involved a public school, and for this purpose
good teachers were requisite. Several Sisters not
named here, who possessed fitting talents and require-
ments, were therefore summoned from Flanders by
Mary, and among them we find the names of Vaux,
Stanley, and Fortescue, with others mentioned in
Mary Ward's subsequent letters. A large school of
children of the lower classes was soon collected, in,
which besides ordinary learning and religious instruc-
tion, various useful works were taught to the pupils,
of a description suitable for enabling them to gain a
living. A school of any kind for girls, and taught by
ladies in a religious dress, was an entire novelty. It
was probably the first attempt ever made in Rome^
and attracted proportionate attention, especially from
its industrial character, as it would in these days be
termed. Besides this it had another recommendation
equally unexpected, namely, that all this teaching was
without any remuneration. No wonder that the
school found great favour with the poor, whose
children flocked joyfully to the English Ladies, nor
^ One of the Cotton family of Warblington, Hants, ancestors of Sir
Robert Cotton, founder of the Cottonian Librar}-. The Cottons and
Shelleys, already named, were nearly related.
72 ' Accounts of Barbara Ward.
that among the rich and great Mary and her com-
panions were spoken of with admiration for their holy
self-denying lives and their courage and devotion.
CHAPTER V.
A Holy Death.
1622, 1623.
But while the school arrangements were in pro-
gress, and the fresh party of travellers arriving from
Liege, Barbara Ward was slowly fading away on
her sick-bed. The beauty and holiness of her
character were still further developed during the long
months of suffering she had to pass through. Of
these there are two lengthy accounts, full rather of
words than facts, by her Sisters in religion, one
already mentioned,^ by Margaret Horde,^ the other
written directly after her death by one who witnessed
it also, which was to be read in their refectories,
and which became apparently the groundwork of
Mother Margaret's still more prolix history. They
are both addressed to the members of the Institute in
the distant houses.
Barbara had already learned to love suffering in
other shapes. She was now to be tried by that form
^ MS. xliii. 8. Bibl, Barberini, Rome, a copy of which is in the
Public Record Office.
^ Nymphenburg Archives.
Barbara s stiff ermgs.
of it, in lingering bodily illness, by which God so
frequently finally purifies and perfects souls dear to
Him, before He calls them to Himself Mother
Margaret, with her seventeenth century pen, writes of
her symptoms as "six leopards which tormented our
living martyr, every one gnawing, according to their
appetite, and conspiring together against this servant
of Christ, who embraced every one as pledges of love
sent by her Lord to increase her merit." Among
them was a burning intermittent fever, seizing her
daily for several hours, " which in these countries is
intolerable, and in the heats of the year a Purgatory
on earth." Ague and cough and the other attendants
of consumption were not absent. And to add to the
pressure of a suffering disease, Barbara, with all her
deep sympathy for Mary and her religious Sisters,
and for the welfare of the Institute as God's work, felt
keenly their difficult situation, the anxious condition
of affairs, and, not least, the " continual clamours and
injuries done to ours," writes Mother Margaret, " in
all places wheresoever they come, not only by pro-
fessed enemies, but also such as ought to be friends."
Poverty too was another daily trial which, as
Barbara knew well, had to be faced and borne with a
good grace and with cheerfulness, lest the very know-
ledge of their narrow means should injure the work
before them among well-meaning but timid friends.
This was not such poverty as consists in the
deprivation of comforts or little pleasures, but the
actual want of the wherewithal to provide fitting food,
clothing, and lodging, and what was requisite for their
school, which they had offered to keep at their own
74 Love of God.
expense. In the days of her better health, when
poverty pressed sorely, Barbara, full of confidence,
would, with a magnanimous heart, often say to her
Sisters, " It is impossible for God, Who is so good,
that ever He should permit His poor children to
want ! " And now in the days of her illness and
weakness, this confidence in the loving protection of
her Father in Heaven had its answer, in the striking
way in which all her needs were supplied. Mother
Margaret says, " it was admirable, and far behind all
our expectations, otherwise her days must have been
much shortened, yet God would not permit His
servant to want things necessary, nor us to be afflicted
for that which our poverty could not remedy, but
taking the care of her upon Himself, distributed to
His daughter with His Fatherly hands." Yet so
thoughtful was Barbara still for those around her and
for their needs that she would " many times say this
and that pleased her not, because she would not have
them at such expense."
As Barbara approached her end, all her spiritual
powers grew both in purity and intensity. The
energy and generosity of character which formerly
made her " not endure to hear any one allege
difficulties in God's service, but presently she would
reprehend the same as an injury to her Beloved,"
were transformed into a most perfect patience
and oneness of will with God. The ardent love
which before her illness had caused her " many
times to break out into tears and exclamations
that she could not love God in this life as He
deserved, nor as she desired to do," now was changed
Desire of death. 75
into a burning desire to be with Him. " She was
always recollected and drawn up into God," says her
Sister in religion, " so that when we came unto her she
seemed a soul languishing in Divine love, rather than
a body worn out with sickness, such her looks, such
her gestures, such her countenance and composition
of body." She was never heard to complain, or
desire aught but what God's good Providence brought
her. It is certain she desired to be dissolved that she
might live to Christ, but because she saw we desired
her life, therefore she would often say, " If I can do
any good, and if it be God's will, I am contented
to live, if not. His holy will be done." No marvel
that the desire of her companions should still be to
retain her among them. Amidst all the varieties and
depressions of illness, her unvarying cheerfulness, that
accompaniment of a will lost in the Divine will, and
one of the notes of resemblance of character between
herself and her sister Mary, did not fail her. The
brightness of " the morning star, which enlightened,
comforted, and encouraged every one of the company,,
when by reason of her employments the mother sun
could not appear," as Mother Margaret, in the warmth
of her affection and the exuberance of her pen
styles Barbara, remained undimmed to the last.
But what must the knowledge of Barbara's
gradual failure have been to Mary herself, as the
certainty that she was to lose one so loved became
more and more impressed upon all ! With all her
immense energy and power of carrying on difficult
work, the change each day, from the wearisome
struggle to maintain her ground va. the midst of evil
76 Sympathy in Rome.
reports, vexatious opposition, the attempts of declared
enemies and the half-measures of cold-hearted friends,
to the blessed repose of Barbara's sick room, where
our Lord made His Presence felt by the atmosphere
of peace He shed around, would have been a happy
moment to Mary, but for the interior pang which
spoke of the parting as near at hand. Who can doubt
that every spare hour was spent with her dying sister ?
We know besides that for many weeks Mary slept in
the same room with her, in order not to be absent
from Barbara through the night. Mary's presence
was the sufferer's greatest earthly consolation, and the
loving tenderness of God's good Providence added
yet another to soothe her last moments. Susanna
Rookwood, the early friend and companion, could
have arrived from Liege but very shortly before
Barbara's departure, and we find her at once at her
bedside with Mary, watching by her and attending to
her needs during the long night hours.
Deep sympathy was shown in Rome towards
Barbara and Mary and their companions during
this long trial. " The Masses and prayers, mortifica-
tions, and other pious works which were daily offered
for Barbara's health were innumerable. In the Casa
Professa (the Gesu) Father General commanded a
bill to be put up in the sacristy that all should remem-
ber her in their Masses and prayers. Some twelve or
fourteen days before her death. Mother Chief
Superior put up a great candle before the body of
St. Ignatius, which when it was burned, the Fathers
themselves supplied the same and kept it burning
till she was dead, and in the monastery where she
Last moments. 'j'j
had lived [Torre de' Specchi] they kept continual
quaranf ore of prayer for her, the religious daily
making disciplines, fasting, vows, and other devotions
and mortifications to recover her health. Neither
wanted she charity in other religious houses, who con-
tinually importuned Almighty God for her health and
life."
But it pleased His Divine Majesty to be glorified
by her death, and she " daily grew weaker and weaker
until her body became a mere atom, nothing left
thereof but skin and bones." Ten days before her
departure she desired to have her Viaticum, and five
days later the Holy Oils, "which she received with
great courage, contentment of mind, and full resigna-
tion to God's will, herself answering to the priest dis-
tinctly every word. Yet it pleased God she grew
better again and put us all in great hopes of her
recovery." However, "upon the 25th of January
(1623, N.S.), being Wednesday, and the Conversion
of St. Paul, she having slept well all that night, and
awaking at four of the clock in the morning, pre-
sently, as accustomed, Mother Susan Rookwood
brought her some broth to drink, which when she had
taken, she sat still, not offering as at other times to
lie down, and being demanded how she did she
answered faint. Mother Susan asked her if she
should call Mother Chief Superior ? She said
* No,' not being willing to trouble her rest. But
Mother Chief Superior was called, who came imme-
diately, for she lay in the same chamber. When
she came she found her dearest Sister in her agony,
and great drops trickling down her face, with her eyes
78 Dying words.
towards Heaven most firmly fixed on the Holy of
Holies, as we may probably think, pronouncing
these words, leisurely and distinctly, with a longing
voice : * O Lord, O Lord, O Lord, O Lord ! ' and
thus she continued for a Miserere, all her whole
powers of body and soul so fixed upon God that it
seemed clear unto us all she enjoyed the Divine Pre-
sence and had a most clear sight thereof as appeared
by her looks overwhelmed in Him, so that she had
forgotten all worldly affection, even her who she had
always loved better than herself Mother Chief
Superior bid her call upon Jesus, which she did,
saying, ' Jesus, Jesus, Je — ,' not being able to pro-
nounce the word siis, and inclining down her head
gave up her happy soul into the hands of the owner
Who had bought it with His own most Precious
Blood, and now for her greater consolation had come
in person to fetch it away. So composed and quiet,
neither moving hand, foot, head, eye, mouth, or any
other part of her body, and so gave up her ghost in as
great quietness as if she set herself to sleep."
To turn from this holy death-bed scene to Mary
Ward, herself one of the witnesses standing by. If
Barbara's end was full of peace in the union of her
will with God, so severe a trial but served to manifest
the same grace in Mary with all its admirable effects.
We read of her that so great was her resignation
to the Divine will that she endured her loss " not
only without a murmur but even without showing
the slightest change of countenance. She had the
courage to dress her when dead, and finally to help
to lay her in her coffin, as if she had rendered
Masses and prayers. 79
some pleasing service to a friend, as doubtless it
was to the Friend of friends, to see her part for
His will and because His will, not only with a
portion of her heart, but her soul, and to suffer
this parting as if it were a glory to her to have
the occasion." She lost not a moment in obtaining
for Barbara that further help for her soul of which
she might stand in need, but at once "despatched
letters to all the Fathers' colleges in Rome, and to
divers other convents and monasteries to crave
charity for her. And God so concurred that she
had the same in a most ample manner, for not
withstanding that there died one the same morning,
which had given three thousand crowns to the Casa
Professa but a few days before, yet Father General
gave order that all the Masses should be said for our
Mother, and the benefactor served next day. Great
store of Masses and prayers was said for her in divers
other places, everyone lamenting her death, even
those who had never seen her. In the English
College all the Fathers and priests said their Masses
for her, and the scholars and others their beads. High
Mass was sung, and the Offices of the Dead."
" Here I cannot let pass," continues the writer,
" two notable things which happened in time of sing-
ing the Offices. The first was, that one of ours, being
in an extreme desolation for our deceased Mother, as
she was kneeling by the dead corpse, suddenly all
affliction left her, and in place thereof she enjoyed an
extraordinary peace and tranquillity of mind. The
second was of more admiration. You must under-
stand that our dead Mother, by reason of her long
8o Change after death.
and painful sickness, after she was departed this life,
she seemed to be a woman of fifty or sixty years of
age, and whilst she lay upon the bier in the church
she changed her countenance, and reformed again
to her former favour. This was not only perceived
by some of ours, but also by divers others who had
seen her in our house and now in the church. The
Office being ended, her body was interred before the
altar of our Blessed Lady, at the Gospel end near
to the cmicelle [rails] of the high altar. There she
lieth in a wooden chest, with a writing on a parch-
ment which showeth who she is and the cause of her
coming to Rome." ^
^ In the Institute House at Alt Getting, Bavaria, is still preserved a
rough hair cloth garment belonging to Barbara Ward. It was brought
from the original house at Munich which was founded by Mary Ward,
and closed at the secularization in 1809. The garment has this inscrip-
tion, in an old English handwriting, fastened to it : "This is Mother
Barbara Ward's coat in her last sickness, and afterwards woarne by
Mr. Lee when he came with our Mother from Rome."
CHAPTER VI.
A House at Naples.
1623.
In parting with Barbara Ward, it may not be un-
interesting to our readers to learn her impressions
of certain features in her sister Mary's character, as
she had noted them down from her own observation
but a short time before her own illness and death.
They place Mary more livingly before us, in those
habits of constant intercourse with a large number of
persons eminent in position, talent, or sanctity, which
were to be her lot in the years on which we are
entering.
Her comprehension of all things or businesses was so
clear [says Barbara], as a very great and experienced man
said he had never seen the like in man or woman, as all her
works did indeed show, which I beseech God we may
follow, and then undoubtedly we shall please Him highly
and have the spirit of our course. Her manner in them
was more admirable than imitable, yet always ordinary,
which was much more strange. She went through them
with invincible courage. She had a singular gift in con-
versing with strangers. She did sweetly draw people to
what she desired by slightly making it known by way of
course, yet so as they should condescend to what she pro-
G 2
82 Barbara s account of Mary.
pounded, and so was best to practise. She heard her own
people attentively and satisfied them sweetly by words and
carriage both, and was at all times wonderful careful to
give content to all. She told us still of all passages, by
which we might understand how to proceed in future times
and would often beg us to mark well. She would suffer
exceedingly in herself to content others and this often.
Her external was ever almost alike and always so as might
please. In greatest afflictions it was ever calm, mild, and
quiet, restful and settled in God. In all tribulations-
meeting she showed herself immovable. Her custom was
not to let anything how great soever to weigh her mind
down, but it was ever turning to something to do for God,
and to the show ever strong and unalterable, which God
of His goodness ever make one.'^
Barbara Ward's description of Mary as she ap-
peared in her every day life finds a fitting illustration
in the admirable skill with which she carried through
the difficult negotiation with the Congregation of
Bishops and of Regulars, which resulted in the start-
ing of the Roman Schools of the Institute, We may
call it skill, but it was rather a power unconsciously
used of winning those with whom she had to do, by
mental qualities and spiritual graces, to the charm
of which those " who had eyes to see " could not but
yield, while they reverenced and wondered at them.
So remarkable was this power, "that of all her power-
ful, great, and violent enemies, never any one had the
■courage to profess it to her face, or in her presence
make other semblance than of friendship." To Mary,
then, herself the merit must be awarded of so neutra-
lizing the efforts of the determined opposition arrayed
1 Nymphenburg Archives.
Cardinal Bandino. Z2i
against her, that, while even friends stood aloof, the
English Virgins obtained a settlement in Rome. To
her it must be ascribed that their plans were not
rather put aside, and they themselves driven thence
in disgrace, branded with the dark spots against their
good name, which the tales so carefully spread had
laid upon them. To know Mary personally and to
believe in the truth of these accusations were in-
congruities which could in no way be reconciled.
This conviction sank deep into the minds of many
upright and generous-hearted men, with whom the
business under consideration brought her into imme-
diate contact. Such was especially the case with
Cardinal Bandino, the head of the Congregation in
which her affairs were discussed.
The Sacred College contained at that time many
men eminent for holiness, learning, and talent, and
among them Cardinal Bandino ^ was one of the most
conspicuous. He was the friend in Rome of the
English clergy, and their principal advocate. He
warmly pleaded in their cause for the appointment of
^ His wisdom and science were noted from the time of Gregory
XIV., who was accustomed, as also equally his successor, Clement VIII.,
to have recourse to his counsels. He was made Cardinal by the latter,
and enrolled successively among the members of the Congregations of
the Holy Office, the Bishops and Regulars, the Propaganda, and others,
where his learning and eloquence, which obtained him the name of
Eloquentissimo Padre, gave him great influence. Noble in appear-
ance and with great suavity of manners. Cardinal Bandino united
shining talents to a large and magnanimous heart, which made
him the constant friend and protector to those of whose worth he
had good assurance. Paul V., Gregoiy XV., and Urban VIII. were
accustomed to call him " the delight of the Sacred College " and " the
■ornament and light of his country."
84 Mary's friends.
a Bishop in England before the other Cardinals of
the Holy Office, at the meetings held on that subject,
at which their agent, the Rev. John Bennett, was
present. His position, therefore, gave him the oppor-
tunity of hearing all that could be said against the
English Virgins from the fountain-head. Yet in spite
of all we read of Mary Ward,
— all the Cardinals and Prelates had a very great esteem
for her, but still more specially Cardinals Bandino, Gimnasio,
Trescio, and ZoUeren. The first of these was head of the
Congregation wherein her affairs were treated, and so had
more means and occasion to treat with her, and thereby come
to know her great good and solid virtue which gained so
high in his esteem, that he was pleased to tell a confidant
of his, such was the reverence he bore her, that did it not
derogate from his character of priest, he should have cast
himself at her feet and asked her blessing.^
Of the three other Cardinals named as "singular"
friends and upholders of Mary, Cardinal Trescio*
also belonged to the Congregation of Bishops and
Regulars. His life in Rome was one of great piety,
* It is said of Cardinal Bandino that at the Conclave before the
election of Gregory XV., of which he was Prefect, having found that
he was mistaken in labouring for the election of Cardinal Sauli, for
whom the Cardinals had no inclination, his hair became white in '
one night from the fear of losing the good opinion of the Sacred College.
Cardinal Bandino died of apoplexy, August i, 1629.
* This Prelate was a Spaniard, a Tertiary of St. Francis. At
twenty-three years of age he had attained such proficiency that the
Chair of Divinity was given him in the University of Salamanca. He
was afterwards for some years a Judge in the Regia Curia at Rome.
Paul V. raised him to the Cardinalate at the request of Philip III.,
and also gave him the archbishopric of Salerno.
Cardinals Trescio ajtd Gimnasio. 85
"with such example as not only himself but his
family had the note of exemplar, making his medi-
tation daily, saying Mass and hearing another, at
which he would see all his family present : at the
shutting of the day, all his family must be in the
house ; at bed-time all were assembled to examen
and litanies, which himself said." Cardinal Trescio's
connection with the Congregation of Bishops and
Regulars gave him frequent opportunities of observ-
ing and sifting Mary's personal character and motives.
But besides this he afterwards himself received such
a practical knowledge of the efificacy of her prayers
with God, as might well induce him to believe that
her holiness and merits were of no common order.
This occurrence belongs to a latef year, and will
therefore be related in its proper place.
Cardinal Gimnasio's name is connected with three
saintly men of his day : St. Camillus of Lellis, to
whom he gave the last sacraments when dying ;
St. Joseph Calasanctius (who predicted to him at
an advanced age during a mortal illness in 1629, that
he would not die but live yet for ten years, which
was subsequently fulfilled) ; and Father Domenico di
Gesu, whom he was the means, while Nuncio at
Madrid, of sending into Italy to build up the Car-
melite Order. He possessed eminent virtues and a
most winning exterior. He spent his property in
founding hospitals and convents, giving up his own
house to a community of Teresians, bestowing the
magnificent gifts he received in Spain upon the Holy-
House of Loreto and the shrine of St. Michael at
Monte Gargano. We may, perhaps, trace back to
86 Cardinal Z oiler en.
Father Domenico, Cardinal Gimnasio's first acquain-
tance with Mary Ward and her affairs.
Cardinal Zolleren, or rather de Hohenzollern, was
the son of the Prince who was at the head of the
family of that name, and was known to Mary
Ward at Cologne. He was a Canon of that Cathe-
dral, and had written in her favour to give his
countenance to the establishment of the Institute in
that city. It was at the request of the Emperor
Ferdinand II. that he was raised to the Cardinalate,
and having come to Rome to receive the hat, he
again came across Mary and her work, when in a
position to give her still more effectual aid. His
erudition, his zeal for souls, and holiness of life,
caused Urban VIII. to esteem him very highly, and
to consult him in many very important matters. He
was likely, therefore, to have been of eminent service
to Mary in the prosecution of her designs. But his
life was not prolonged either for this or other services
to the Church.^
The opinion of these four distinguished Cardinals
in Mary's cause, which they in no way concealed,
carried great weight with it. She was aided also by
others more or less powerful from their position and
merit for like reasons. And thus for the time at
any rate, she so far prevailed against the violence of
her opposers, who on their side carried with them
the sympathy and strong feelings engendered by the
^ Having been made Bishop of Osnabruck, on arriving in his
diocese in 1625, he died suddenly, with grave suspicions of having
been poisoned by the Protestant Canons of his Cathedral, who feared
his not permitting them to retain their preferments, his holiness and zeal
in the cause of the faith being well known.
Schools of Institute in Rome. 8 7
traditions of centuries against non-inclosed nuns. The
new community, while an object of extreme interest
to some, was an object of equal mistrust to many.
We are so accustomed in the present times to hear
of public schools of all kinds for every claiss, as much
for girls as for boys, that Mary Ward's schools in
Rome, do not come before us at first sight with all
their merits and attendant difficulties. We may be
apt to forget that such schools w^ere unknown there
for girls, though the Scuole Pie had lately been
established for boys by St. Joseph Calasanctius, and
were meeting with the greatest encouragement. The
merit of being among the first on a hitherto un-
trodden field only added to the difficulties which
beset the enterprise in Mary's case. She was a
foreigner of a few months' residence only in the city,
and was also known as a petitioner in a novel and
doubtful cause. These difficulties she surmounted by
her courage and perseverance. The schools flourished,
the children were happy, and the parents satisfied.
But the mysterious mixture in the nuns of a life of
prayer and recollection, necessary to their state as
religious, with the mental culture, concentrated atten-
tion, and at the same time cheerful freedom of action
and life of constant labour required of those who
devote themselves profitably to the young, was only
justly appreciated by the few.
Among those who viewed the community, as ft:
would seem, with somewhat suspicious eyes, though'
with greater love of justice, was the Cardinal Vicar of
Rome, Cardinal Mellino. This illustrious member of
the Sacred College, a man of great and elevated mind
88 c Cardinal Mellino^s vigilance,
and profound erudition, was made Vicar of Rome by-
Paul v., having been already raised by him to the
Cardinalate. He was noted for his untiring vigilance
in the duties of his office, as well as for an immense
adroitness and experience in the management of
affairs. He belonged to the Congregation of the
Holy Office and of the Bishops and Regulars, and
was a friend and supporter of the Society of Jesus.
Mary Ward's plans and mode of life must have been
already known to him from their having been re-
commended by Bishop Blaise in letters to the Con-
gregation of Bishops and Regulars, and discussed,
and in a certain degree sanctioned by Paul V., who
consulted Cardinal Mellino on all occasions, and never
undertook anything without hearing his opinion.
Nevertheless, this mode of life when carried out
by the members of the would-be Institute, being in
its details a perfect novelty in Rome and to himself
also, became rightly an object for his watchful obser-
vation, nor can it be doubted that the evil reports
rife concerning their proceedings elsewhere would
quicken his precautions. It is related consequently
by one of those placed under this criticizing inspec-
tion that " he himself told our dear Mother that he
kept not one or two but twenty-five spies over her,
insomuch as there was not what passed in or out
of the house that he had not notice of." This " great
research into her life and actions " by means of so
extensive a system of observation, resulted only to
the honour of Mary and her companions, for not a
breath or the shadow of a spot as to the least matter
unfitting to the life of religious was brought against
Good results of schools. 89
them during the years of their residence in Rome.
On the contrary, their virtues, and Mary's especially,
"triumphed over all opposition so as to authorize
as legal and holy, and to do with appearance of
sanctity, what had before been thought impossible
or criminal." Here Mother Winefrid means doubt-
less their life before the world as unenclosed religious.
For their schools she adds : " The effects which the
labours of our Mother and hers had in a short time,
forced the wicked to say openly that, if this went on,
the bad houses in Rome would soon go to ruin.
And the poor parents felt with great consolation
the advantage resulting to themselves in the edu-
cation of their children, who through the instructions
which were given them, were made capable of gaining
their living, and by means of the lessons they received
learned that honest labour was obligatory upon them
as a Christian duty."
Early in the year 1623, Mary Ward must have
been able once more to take counsel with her friend
and adviser Father Gerard, on the state of her plans,
present and future. He was in Rome before Barbara
Ward's death, for he arrived there on the 13th of
January, nor can we believe that he was not among
those who visited and consoled her in her last hours.
It is true that the Society of Jesus appears, as far
as any documents show, which have hitherto come
to light, to have kept aloof at this time from any
public interference or assistance in behalf of the
Institute, in the negotiations Mary Ward had been
carrying on with the Holy See. The English secular
agents, as we have seen, believed nevertheless that the
90 Father Gerard in Rome.
Society secretly helped in her cause. This apparently
impassive attitude it is to which Mary's companions
probably refer when they write of the coldness and
backwardness of supposed friends, and of the in-
creased difficulties thus brought upon her. The expla-
nation for such backwardness may be found perhaps
in reasons bearing upon a far more important matter,
the divided state of interests among the Catholics of
England. In the absence of elucidating documents
it is unnecessary, however, to enter upon the subject
here. But independently of any formal manifestation
of opinion, the friendly terms which existed between
the members of the Society of Jesus and the English
Ladies, as related in the last chapter, preclude the
idea that Father Gerard's superiors interfered to pre-
vent the customary spiritual intercourse which the
last seven years had witnessed between him and
Mary Ward and her companions. There have been
those who have supposed that it was to withdraw
him from all connection with them that he was called
away from Liege and thence to Rome. Were this
the case, it may not be unjustly surmised that the
personal knowledge acquired by the General Mutius
Vitelleschi of Mary Ward herself and of her associates,,
as well as of her plans, aided in removing any shadow
of blame which had been laid on Father Gerard on
account of his dealings in their behalf at Liege. At
any rate there is evidence, as will presently appear^
that he was corresponding as usual with Mary Ward
in the year succeeding that on which we have now
entered.
Meanwhile the exterior aspect of affairs as to the
Mary's new desigji. 91
new community was for the time promising, though
underneath the smooth outer surface the difficulties
and dangers of the course on which Mary was steering
were as great as ever. But, unwearied by every
obstacle, she was now intent on strengthening and
advancing her cause by fresh measures. The eager-
ness with which the Roman people profited by the
means her schools gave for the education of their
children, only increased her zeal, while it opened before
her eyes a way by which she might bring additional
proofs before the Holy See of the utility and value
of the labours of the proposed Institute. In Rome
itself those labours were carried on with every
attendant disadvantage, and proportionately cramped
and dwarfed as to results. In other parts of Italy
she might find both patrons and friends to espouse
her cause, who would not be exposed to the continual
droppings of evil tongues against her. Well might
she glance across the peninsula to find some quiet
resting-place where there would be greater freedom
for the expansion of her plans, and where her Sisters
could pursue their work in peace, and bring good fruit
to perfection. In so doing the beautiful and distant
city of Naples, second only in rank to the seat of the
Papal Throne, and the head-quarters of the Viceregal
Court, might naturally present itself to her mind as a
favourable spot.
It seemed to cost Mary but little to decide on this
undertaking, in spite of possessing neither a single
personal friend in Naples, nor money for the journey,
nor for starting the new work when they had arrived.
Neither could she turn to any one in Rome for help
92 ' Little prospect of help.
as to the one or as to the other. " Naturally she loved
to work without note or noise, but in these occasions
there was added a necessity, for such was the zeal of
her adversaries to hinder what good might be done
by her or hers, that her greatest endeavours was to
do what she had to do ere perceived, which was cause
she could not though she would, have that assistance
many worthy cardinals and prelates would have had
content to have afforded her." This is a condition
common to all good works, as she well knew. Mary
stood therefore quite alone as to her Naples plan, a
position by no means new to her, as we have already
seen.
There was but one fact upon which human pru-
dence could \fix as giving any hope of a favourable
issue to the undertaking. The patronage and friend-
ship of the Infanta Isabella were once more likely to
be of avail, in obtaining permission and support from
the authorities in Naples, both in Church and State,
for the new settlement. The Spanish Viceroy placed
there by Philip III. was at that time the Duke of
Alva, the son or grandson of the Duke of Alva, well
known in Flemish history. Cardinal Caraffa also,
the Archbishop of the city, had formerly held the
office of Nuncio at both the Courts of Brussels and
Madrid, and was therefore personally known to the
Archduchess. He was, besides, a man of sterling
worth and holiness, devoted to the good of his diocese,
and likely to appreciate any good work for souls.
With this single hope of earthly aid Mary Ward did
not hesitate as to embarking in the new venture.
God and His angels and saints were on her side, and
Mary^s journeys. 93
that was enough. Her preliminaries consisted but in
"well examining the matter and recommending it
greatly to God in prayer, after which she resolved to
go and try if her labours would take effect and prove
profitable."
Mary Ward's journeys may well be regarded as
among the heroisms of her life. It was not yet
eighteen months since, in weak health and with a
suffering body, she had walked to Rome from Flan-
ders, crossing the Alps in mid-winter. She was now
about to start on foot for another journey of two
hundred miles, with even less means than before to
provide food and lodging for the way, and less bodily
strength for what had to be encountered. Italian
inns of a lower class are even to this day almost
unendurable to English travellers, when accident
drives them there for shelter ; but what, if so, must
they have been in the far rougher times of Mary
Ward, and what the more serious dangers and dis-
agreeables, such as impassable roads, banditti, and
the like .-' We know that amidst the merits of St,
Paul, that glorious part of the Church's treasures laid
up before God, winning grace and good gifts for souls
to the end of time, his "journeyings often," and the
dangers incurred in them, are specially reckoned and
severally named. May we not believe that the
numerous painful and perilous footsteps of Mary
Ward and her companions in traversing Europe from
one country to another, have in their degree their
place among those treasures also, and having found
favour with the Great King, are still helping on the
cause of the souls of their country for the love of
94 Travelling party,
whom they were taken ? We shall find as we proceed
that the present instance, the journey across the
beautiful provinces of Italy was but one out of many
of equal length, entered upon with equally attendant
toil and poverty.
On May 12, 1623, she began her journey from Rome on
foot, with a small viaticum, with one companion [the writer,
Winefrid Wigmore], and a lay-sister, a priest, and a gentle-
man, who took it for an honour to partake of her holy
labours, and were the same that came with her on foot to
Rome [/.<?., the Rev. Henry Lee, and Robert AVright, Mary's
cousin], having, however, learned by experience that she
had little need of any assistance they could give her. She
was so far above the necessities of much baggage, sumpters,
carriages, &c., as besides what each one carried for them-
selves, one serving-man that she had carried the rest, which
did not over-burthen him, for she knew well how to join
the heart of a mother with the authority of a mistress.
With this suite and this humble pomp, she entered the
superb and noble city of Naples, and, knowing no one, took
lodgings as other strangers do, where falling sick [apparently
from the unhealthiness and poverty of the place], a friend
procured her the loan of a house in good air, but unfur-
nished, and nothing but bare walls. There she lay on a
straw bed on the ground.
Such a beginning was enough to daunt even the
stout heart of Mary Ward, but Almighty God was
not unmindful of her faith and courage. " A servant
of God who had never seen her was inspired to go
and visit her, and was so moved at finding her in this
state, that he made but a short stay, hastening to a
lady, a penitent of his, saying, ' It is a shame to have
so many beds in your house, and God's servant to
Reception in Naples. 95
lie on the ground,' which so touched this pious lady
that she immediately sent a bed to our Mother."
This incident appears to have opened the way to
further communication with other members of the
upper classes in Naples, and Mary's power of winning
the hearts of those she dealt with did the rest, " In
a short time she acquired great reputation among
those of the highest quality and best sort. Many, led
by the sensible effects they felt in themselves, avouched
publicly with wonder, no less on their own part than
on the part of those who heard them, that the mere
presence of our Mother, her going in the streets, and
her exterior in church, incited forcibly to piety and
religion." It seems probable that "the servant of
God " written of above was one of the Fathers of the
Society of Jesus who had a house in Naples : perhaps
Father Carolus Mastrilli, the Rector, a man of note,
who is mentioned as having written to the Papal
Chamberlain, Virgilio Csesario, in favour of the Insti-
tute, or Father Corcione, shortly after named with
others among them by. Mary, as aiding the Sisters
in many ways, and who was himself their confessor.
We shall see in a future chapter the measures she
adopted at a later date for strengthening her cause
with the ecclesiastical and civil authorities. Mean-
time, " God so disposed as the Lord Nuncio and the
Archbishop approved her designs, and in the end not
only the utility but the necessity of such schools were
acknowledged."
Details once more fail us as to this Naples founda-
tion. It is known that Mary remained in the city
until November, and sent for such of her Sisters from
96 Neapolitan house.
Rome as were to form the nucleus of the new com-
munity. Of these Susanna Rookwood was to be the
Superior. Mother Margaret Genison,^ probably a
niece of Father Gerard's, is also mentioned among
them, and was one for whom Mary Ward appears
to have entertained a great regard. There is scarcely
a letter written by Mary to Naples after her return
to Rome, which does not contain some kind message
or thoughts for her. It is almost entirely from these
letters, extending through several years, that any
further insight is obtained of the difficulties and pro-
gress of the Neapolitan house. It flourished, how-
ever, in spite of the former, and the English Virgins
found great favour from the warm-hearted Italians
among whom they had come to reside. At an early
day after their arrival in the city, Mary wrote for
reinforcements from Liege and other houses, and this
once more involved a considerable change in the
distribution of the members among the various com-
munities. In following up this correspondence with
her faithful Barbara Babthorpe, she makes known one
of her hindrances at Naples and its attendant suffer-
ings, in the extreme amount of poverty with which
she had to contend. The fragment of a letter reveals
her consequent distress concerning their generous
friend the Rev. Henry Lee, whose needs alone cause
her to enter into some particulars which disclose the
® Father Gerard's sister Martha, "a great recusant," as a spy's list
calls her, daughter of Sir Thomas Gerard of Bryn, married John or
Michael Jenison or Genison (as in Mary Ward's letters it is spelt) of
Walworth, Durham. She had two daughters and four sons. The
latter were mostly priests or Jesuits.
Changes in the Communities. 97
straits to which she and her companions were exposed
and the temper of mind in which they were borne.
From this fragment also we find that the evil reports
which had been hampering her proceedings in Rome,
from which she had hoped to be in peace at Naples,
had followed her there so far as to give personal
anxiety to herself. They had been sent back to
Liege, and the accusation spread against the members
of the Institute that they would not communicate oa
matters of conscience with any but Jesuits, had pro-
duced a letter of complaint to Mary from some indi-
vidual in that city, himself a member of the Society.
Mary's fragment to Barbara begins in the middle of
this subject — one which, requiring caution and dis-
cretion to deal with, is therefore marked as private to
herself alone.
These troubles may have made it necessary to
find a quieter atmosphere in one of the other houses
for certain of the minds at Liege, as intimated by
Mary in this fragment. Accordingly we find the
community of St. Omer, which had only consisted
of fourteen or sixteen Sisters in 1622, increased in
the year 1624 to sixty in number, in a Spy's List,'^
' In Flanders Correspondence, P.R.O., vol. for 1624, a paper which,
though undated, would from the contents appear to be of that year or
a little later. It is entitled, "A list of the Seminaries, Monasteries,
Cloisters, and Colleges of his Majesty's subjects in the Provinces of
the Netherlands, under the King of Spain's obedience and in the diocese
of the Bishop of Lige." Here among the houses of the different orders
established in those countries, are the following entries: "Liege. A
howse of English Jesuitesses, Wardists, Expectatives, or Galoping
Gurles — 70. St. Omer's, a howse of English Jesuitesses — 60." In
the same tone is written a remark of Sir Henry Wotton's in his corre-
H 2
98 Letter to Barbara Babthorpe.
which, by the nomenclature bestowed upon them,
shows how well the opprobrium through which they
were passing was known, even among Protestants,
The letter to Barbara Babthorpe is addressed —
■" For Mother Provincial, Leige or elsewhere." It
begins thus :
SOLI.
— are wiser women than he thinks, and that they would or
do go freely and willingly to such as were to be had, whom
ever it be : but be very cordial with him, let not any but
yourself see the said letter of his or know the contents, it
may make them jealous without all cause, for would to God
they were as careful on their own credits as I have ever byn.
Will you not make over to Rome without delay, taking it
out of their monies that had it, or where else you can,
Mr. Lee's ^^30, 1 was marvellous sorry it was so intercepted,
he hath not a shirt to his back, &c., as you may well believe,
as we want many times meat and sometimes bread and
drink to give him, much less clothes. Good Mother, hasten
this ;i^3o to him. You do conceive I have other sufferings
and needs not to see a friend so painfully and publickly
suffer for our cause, indeed his patience will have a great
reward. When shall I hear ours are out of Leig and settled
well elsewhere, and those on the way I have writ for. Can
you neither get from England nor borrow elsewhere, one
twenty or thirty pounds to send me when Mr. Lee's comes ;
you need no more words if it be possible. If not, be you
not likewise afflicted, to live or die for God is equal gains,
spondence with Lord Zouche, who, detailing his adventures on the
aroad home from Italy, says : "I have seen no novelty on the way fit to
entertain your lordship withal, save the English Jesuitesses at Liege,
who by St. Paul's leave mean to have their share in Church service as
well as in needlework. Fain would I make your lordship and myself
merry, if I knew how " (MS., P.R.O.).
Winefrid Wigmore in Naples. 99
■when His will is such. Farewell, my dear Mother. It is
yet so hot as that we have not begun to teach, nor are we
yet formally begun at Naples, but the rains is all cause of
our stay. Jesus be with you, pray for me. I forget not
you, commend me to all.
Wholly yours,
Marie Ward.
Naples, September 16, 1623. For God's love moderate
your labours so, as you lose not health.
When Mary Ward returned to Rome she left
another of her faithful personal friends, Winefrid
Wigmore, in Naples, to complete the arrangements
of the new foundation and to help in the labours of
the community. Winefrid appears to have conducted
the exterior business of communication with the
authorities, both ecclesiastical and civil, as Mary's
agent, and finally to have been Procuratrix and
Mistress of Novices. The sacrifice which it was on
both sides to part, and the warm friendship existing
between them, come to light in their true colours in
the following letter, one of the first budget sent to
Naples after Mary's arrival in Rome,
For the Rev. Mother, Mother Winefrid Campian.^
My Lord Prior's letter should have been sent to Naples
open ; tell Mother Superior, Mother EUs.' letter is to chance.
LH.S.
My Rev. Mother, and dear child : according to the
measure of the affection I do and ever shall bear you, you
might have some feeling of our parting : but my wants were,
* Winefrid Wigmore is here addressed under the alias which was so
great a favourite among the devout English Catholics. She continued
to use it for the rest of her life.
lOO Letter to Wine/rid.
and are so many as my absence can be no loss to any : but
for yours particular, God I trust will in short time so provide
as that you may be in place to receive all the good in me to
do : and this first for the greater service and honour of God,
and next for the love I bear you and to satisfy my desire of
your great and eternal merit [a line blotted out here from
the context, perhaps words in commendation of Winefrid].
I have been forced to keep my bed or lie upon it this nine
or ten days with a swelling or bruise, which puts me to
extreme pain, but now it begins to break, but will hinder
me I doubt from stirring abroad this many days ; but Dio e
patrono, as you are wont to say. I have spoke with the
Lady of Perugia, who hastens me away but cannot go her-
self When I am well and able to go abroad you shall hear
more of all businesses. I am sorry to charge Mother Supe-
rior so much with the payment of letters; but patience.
Commend me to all friends. Adieu, my dear child. Jesus
ever keep you.
Yours,
Marie Ward.
Rome, 9ber. 25, 1623.
CHAPTER VII.
Two Months' Work in the Holy City.
1623, 1624.
Mary Ward was again in Rome in November,
1623. A great change had taken place there since
she left the city in the month of May. In July
Gregory XV. had gone to his reward. Mary's friend,
the saintly Father Domenico di Gesu, had once during
the previous year stood between him and death, by
asking of God that he might himself suffer the mortal
illness to the attacks of which Gregory was subject.
His prayer was heard, and the Pope recovered, while
the holy religious was brought to the gates of the
grave, though not then to enter them. Fifteen months
had passed and he was again summoned to the
Pontiff's bedside, but then it was to receive Gregory's
last confession and to assist him in his dying
moments. At the Conclave for the choice of his suc-
cessor which followed Gregory's death, such was the
fame of Father Domenico's sanctity, that several
votes were given in his favour, though he did not
belong to the Sacred College. Cardinal Bandino had
also a certain number of voices at the same Conclave.
Nowhere is the action of Providence more con-
spicuous than in the issues of Papal Conclaves.
I02 Mary iii Rome.
Mary Ward and her friends might have eagerly-
desired that either of her two friends should wear
the tiara. But His good Providence ordained other-
wise, and Cardinal Maffeo Barberini was elected to
fill the Papal Chair as Urban VIII.
Upon the knowledge of this event, Mary applied
herself at once to gain what advantage she could
from the changes in ecclesiastical and political affairs,
consequent upon the election of the new Pontiff, and
for this purpose sought to present her cause before
him. She had not been idle, even before she left
Naples, in this respect, and her first endeavours in
Rome lay in the same direction, though doubtless
there would be many delays at such a juncture in
bringing them to bear. Meantime, another toilsome
though happily shorter journey than that she had
just concluded was before her, in obedience to the
leadings of the Providence of God. A new sphere of
labour was opening to her without any seeking on her
part. In Mary's letter, concluding the last chapter,
there is a notification of much that had been passing
for some time with regard to a foundation at Perugia,
now warmly pressed upon her. " The Bishop of
Perugia, Monsignore Comitoli Napoleone, a Prelate
of great fame for learning, virtue, and government,
hearing of our dear Mother, her person and proceed-
ings, was so persuaded of her merits, as with great
instance he invited her to accept of a house he would
give her, and though several times put off would
receive no denial."^ The Bishop's letters were accom-
panied by others from some of the principal in-
^ Winefrid Wigmore's Manuscript.
Invitation to Perugia. 103
habitants of Perugia, who joined in his desires that
Mary Ward's schools should be established among
them. These urgent letters had been sent to her at
Naples, and doubtless quickened her return to Rome,
when she had finally decided upon yielding to the
Bishop's wishes. But the journey to Perugia had to
be delayed after her arrival ; even when all pre-
liminaries were arranged, pressing affairs detained her
in the city. Above all she was seeking most
anxiously to obtain an audience with Urban VI 1 1.,
and could not leave while this was pending, the accu-
mulation of business in these early months of his
Pontificate having hitherto stood in the way of what
she desired.
The following letter in Margaret Horde's hand,
though without address or signature, is of this date,,
and tells us a little of Mary Ward herself as well as
of the hindrances to their proposed plans. The post-
script added by Mary proves the letter to have been
written to Winefrid, as there is no mistaking for whom
were intended the few words of warm, confident affec-
tion it contains.
Revd. my truly dear Mor., — I think Mor, Chief Supr.
will not have time to write unto you, as she intended,,
wherefore these few lines are to tell you how she doth : (the
knowledge of which is more to us both than all other news
whatsoever). She is at present not very well, her pain is in
her head, and distemper at her stomach caused, as I think,
partly by sitting in the church on Christmas night, and
partly by her much writing and businesses, of that nature
they were when she was with you.
I will no more tell you that we are going to Perugia till
I04 Letter from Margaret Horde.
we are gone, for Tuesday was once determined but now
•deferred, so that when it will be I know not, if we go on
Tuesday that pistole Mor. Supr. sent must buy meat by the
way, for she intends to go on foot : if we stay longer it shall
be spent for Pistos [a name given among them to some
food for the sick], as the giver desires : God reward good
Mor. Supr., many more such may she give. I have de-
livered to Far. Coffin yr. commendations in that same [here
the rest of the page is torn off. In the margin is written]
December the 30, 1623, Rome. We hear no more par-
ticulars of that mishap in Eng. : but that none of ours were
there and that there were slain ten persons of worth, one
minister, eight Protestants.^
On the back of this half-sheet is written in Mary
Ward's hand :
My dear child, — I would have writ you some few lines,
but Sre. Octavio of Perugia hath so plied me with letters
this morning as I want time, but I have no great solicitude
how to give you content, whose content is my ease. Be
very careful of your health, carry yourself like a mother ia
care and religious affection to all under your charge, par-
ticularly to Mor. Marg. Genison, to whom you must com-
mend me. I beg both your prayers. Jesus keep you.
Yours,
Marie Ward.
" A reference seems here made to a dreadful accident which made a
great sensation both among Catholics and Protestants in London, and
which was written of as "The Doleful Evensong." Father Drury,
S.J., was preaching in a room over the gatehouse of the French
Ambassador's, Hunsdon House, Blackfriars, when the floor gave way.
The preacher and another Father were killed and ninety other persons.
The " ten persons of worth " alone belonged to the upper classes of
Catholics ; the eight Protestants were distinguished as receiving burial
in the Protestant churchyards. The Catholics, being refused such
sepulture, were all buried in the courtyard of the Ambassador's house
with due Catholic rites.
Journey deferred. 105
It was not only the affairs of the Institute in
general, and the needful pre-arrangements for Perugia
which kept Mary still in Rome after the new year had
begun. The foundation at Naples was not yet fully
organized, and the good word of some of the dig-
nitaries around the Papal Throne to those in high
place in that city was wanting to set all in action.
Such good words were not to be obtained at
pleasure, and the journey to Perugia had to be put
off from day to day, while Mary was toiling for what
was requisite from some of her friends among the
Cardinals. The results she tells herself in two letters
of the same date, January 13, 1624, to Mother
Susanna Rookwood and Winefrid. In the midst of
all her anxious business Mary was never unmindful
of the immense value attached to a kind word or
some small personal remembrance by fellow-labourers
in a work of toil or difficulty, especially if they
emanate from those above them. These little
thoughtful personalities towards all over whom Mary
was placed are a striking feature in letters plainly
written in moments snatched at her own cost from
more important engagements. To Mother Susanna,
Mary begins :
" You do very well, and that which every Superior should,
not to write yourself but to dispatch what businesses you
would have done by others in your house, when either
forth of any indisposition or other business yourself
cannot conveniently write ; for a good Superior cannot
want work, and work of more importance than ordinary
letters of compliment, etc. I am almost proud your Regis-
ter was so admired. I doubt if Mother Margaret's sampler
io6 Letters of Cardinals.
be so much looked upon, it would be fitter for some little
village than the great city or little kingdom of Naples ! "
[Then, after telling her that] " Father Corcione hath writ a
good letter to Father General of the edification yourself and
yours give in Naples. You will thank him for it," [Mary
mentions the enclosure she is sending of letters from the
Cardinals, and charges] " that they be delivered as soon as
may seem good for your business, and in such manner and
with those due circumstances that they may, if it be possible,
have their desired effect, because it is something difficult to
procure such letters often." [Some reason had been urged
for engaging the interest of another of the religious in
Naples in the work, and Mary adds :] " I could not in
civility ask the Cardinals to write to a private Father, so I
have not got you any to Father Antonio Siecala. You must
work his good will there by some other means. I could have
had Father General's to him, but it seemed not best to
acquaint Father General with any such business. I know
not when I go to Perugia. I sue to speak once with the
Pope first, but this so privately as I would have none of
your neighbours to know it."
To Winefrid, as her secretary and the principal
actor in these matters of business, Mary writes more
in detail as to the letters she encloses, and adds some
after-thoughts for Mother Susanna.
Revd. Mother, my dear child, — The packet is so great,
as only three lines to yrself There are twelve letters for
you from four several Cardinals. Those sheets of paper
are put upon them, that Mor. Supr. may know, and you
show Far. Corcione, who they were that wrote them.
Four of those letters are left open, one of Cardinal
Tretious [Trescio], his and all three of Card. ZoUeren's,
that Far. Corcione may read them. Two of Card.
ZoUeren's are not so excellent, but will serve, but that of his
Winefrid's Sympathy. 107
to the Viceroy is a marvellous good one. Procure what
may be possible that these letters from those Cards, be de-
livered as soon as may seem good to Far. Corcione, and
with all due circumstances. God grant they may have
their desired effect if it be His holy will. Your business
must surely be proposed when those letters are delivered ;
but Far. Corcione will advise in all. Tell Mor. Supr. no
care nor diligence can be too much to use in procuring that
donation now as times stands. We here will make parti-
cular [word cut out, prayers?] for it. Tell Mor. Superior I
send her the names of such as were lately slain, etc.
Recommend me to Sigra. Dorothe, and tell her Far.
Fabrizio' de Santi will be with her shortly, and is to stay, it
is said, all his life at Naples. I expect daily when he should
set forwards from hence, with him I will write to yourself
and my Mother Margaret. Adieu, my Mother, for this
time : thank our Far. most heartily from me for writing so
well of you to Far. General. Far. Genl. himself told me so,
etc. Jesus keep you ; commend me always to all friends.
Yours,
Mary Ward.
Rome, Janry. 13, 1624.
There is one other letter written on the very day-
Mary started for Perugia, which throws further light
on the anxious affairs which had been occupying her
and delaying her departure. It seems to be an
answer to one from Winefrid, expressing grief in not
being present with her as heretofore to aid and
lighten her toils, though with an entire submission
and union of her will on the subject with that of Mary.
The contents of the letter can well be estimated
by the reply which it elicited, grateful and soothing
as the latter must have been to Winefrid's sympathis-
ing heart.
io8 Mary^s encouraging words.
My dear Winn, — Your entire resignation and full de-
pendence upon the will of God and your Superiors, I far
more esteem than if you had the grace of working miracles
and wanted this. Go forward as you now proceed, and
rest assured God will do what and all pleaseth Him in you
and by you. And you cannot but be most dear to her,
whom you do believe never to be wanting in her love and
care of you, and for your placing in this or that place and
employment [leave] as hitherto you religiously have done,
that care to me. Your business is to be ever ready and in-
differently to what may be appointed, and to do what is or
shall be allotted perfectly and well. [Words cut out,
probably as in other instances, in praise of Winefrid,
which her humility would not allow to be seen by
other eyes.] My dear Mother, you will be content with
these few lines, having to write them being this day
to travel twenty miles in my way to Perugia, where
I hope for much help from your prayers, and whence
you shall understand how all proceeds. You would marvel
to see how much opposition there is already against that
beginning. I want time to tell you particulars, or rather
I want you to note such particulars. Well there will be
time for all. Briefly, all goes on extremely ill at Liege.
In England ours are much contemned. Father General
much more dry. Father Blunt hath writt him his mind
at large. Farewell, my dear Mother, the rest I will say
to Mor, Superior, who will tell you I am straitened for
time. The money you sent thence doth exceedingly help
here. Jesus be with you.
Yours in all you can wish,
Mary Ward.
Rome, Jany. i8, 1624.
But the history of what was passing at Li^ge
which drew fofth Mary's remark to Winefrid, and
Troubles at Liege. 109
to which there has already been an allusion in one
of her former letters, is entirely lost to us. It is
well, however, to remind our readers that the very
mischievous document, Godfather' s Informatio?t, re-
ferred to in the former volume^ of this work, drawn
up from the statements of Mary Allcock, and re-
ferring in its items to the community at Liege,
where she had been an inmate, first saw the light
during the year 1623. Circulated there or in
England, and thence sent on to Rome, its per-
sonalities, expressed with a graphic, sensational
minuteness, bearing upon it the air of truth, would
work incalculable injury in all those places. If
Mrs. Allcock was herself engaged, as appears likely,
in the troubles then in agitation in Liege, well might
Mary say, as she does in a subsequent letter,
" That from Flanders brings indeed true sufferance."
That Mrs. Allcock was but a tool in the hands of some
unscrupulous opposer of the Institute, may be seen by
the title and heading to her document already given.
But Mary's wise and mournful words written a few
months later to Winefrid, if applicable in the first
place to Mary Allcock, imply that other misled mem-
bers of the community were also following upon the
same road. In September, 1624, she writes to Naples :
I will hasten towards you what I can ; of your long soli
we will then speak. Dear child, rather part with life than
ever alter your manner of proceedings in due and entire
subordination to your Superior. Oh, what disorders doth
the contrary breed in all that take this grace, who would buy
so dear the good liking of a man as to lose thereby the grace
^ Chapters iii. and v. Book IV, vol. i.
no Commendatory Letters.
of their vocation, their former abiUty to labour in it with
fruit, and their familiarity with God, besides a thousand
other turbations of mind, and their demerit in Heaven, all
which, to be true, have been, and is too well experienced in
and by some friends of ours, to all our loss. Think, there-
fore, how much your constancy in this practice comforts
me, whom I have ever loved and endeavoured more than
ordinary to make what you should be. But to other
businesses.
That the anxious state of the affairs of the Insti-
tute at Liege had for long borne a prominent place in
Mary Ward's time and thoughts may further be con-
cluded from two letters,^ written and published shortly
after this date by Ferdinand of Bavaria, the Prince-
Bishop of Liege, and by the Papal Nuncio of Lower
Germany, the Bishop of Neufchatel. In the former
the Prince-Bishop takes the Institute formally under
his protection until the confirmation of it has been
obtained from the Holy See, declares its members
religious women and endows them with privileges as
such, speaking with highest praise of their piety, way
of living, and the solidity and usefulness of their work.
He anticipates great fruit and benefit to the Church
at large from the latter, and " considers the Institute
as predestined by a particular Providence of God for
the conversion of England, alas ! altogether lost and
depraved, that what a woman has destroyed by
woman may be restored." The letter of the Papal
Legate, also written from Liege, takes the form of an
addendum to Ferdinand's, by especially enforcing the
utility of the English Virgins as instruments in up-
*■ See Note II. to Book V.
Value of these letters. in
holding the faith against heresy in England and else-
where, as a cause for the commendation of their
Institute, and this from his own observation in Liege,
where many young English girls were received by
them. These letters were published in March and
June, 1624, respectively.
Whether or not the course of occurrences at Liege
at this time induced the Prince-Bishop publicly to
take up the cause of the Institute, it seems likely from
the tone in which both letters are written, that Mary,
aware of the spread of evil reports and the increas-
ing difficulties and annoyances thrown in the way of
those associated with her in carrying out their voca-
tion at Liege and also in England, had had recourse
herself to the Prelates. Neither would she be back-
ward in engaging the good offices of the Infanta with
them. Anxious as she was to bring her cause before
Urban VIII., letters couched in such terms from these
distinguished ecclesiastics might avail much, she was
aware, in advancing her cause with him and in Rome
itself, especially as an antidote to the evil things
carried there by others.
Mary's succeeding remarks in her letter to
Winefrid show also another reason for making some
such public demonstration very desirable. Father
Blount, the Jesuit Father whom she names, possessed,
through his office of Provincial in England, full
power of carrying out those unfavourable views con-
cerning the English Virgins which have already been
mentioned in a former chapter. It may be that
events passing in Liege had strengthened his
opinion, and his desire that the Fathers there and
112 Father Blount ' s orders.
in England should stand more than ever aloof from
any responsibility for them and their work. Mrs.
Allcock's fabrications, or rather their results on the
minds of others, and private letters, written, as it
is known from Rome to England, by externs, in a
like hostile spirit, are not unlikely also to have
produced very unfavourable effects. However this
may be, the consequences of his communication with
the General, Mutius jVitelleschi, mentioned by Mary
Ward, may be found in the following passage from a
letter^ addressed by Father Blount to one or all of
the Superiors, apparently, of the Fathers of the
Society who were on the English Mission :
Fourthly, that according to Scsevola's ^ express order, all
be admonished not to meddle with anything belonging to
the temporals of Mrs. Mary Ward or any of her company,
and that in places where they reside those only hear their
confessions, who byname shall be designed for it by you and no
others ; and that none give them by word of mouth or send
them in writing any spiritual directions or instructions be-
longing to their soul or conscience, without the knowledge
of the Superior, and finally let all endeavour not to meddle
in their businesses, and make the world know that the
Society hath no more to do with them, than with all
other penitents who resort unto them; whereby I hope
in a short time the manifold calumniations, which for their
cause and proceedings are laid upon us, will have an end.
s This letter was one of many papers seized by King Charles's
Government on the discovery of the house of the Society in Clerkenwell
in 1628. Though without a date, the mention in it of "these three last
years, 1621, 1622, 1623," shows it to have been written early in the year
1624. Seven of the Fathers were taken on this occasion, and with them
the fittings of their chapel, with all that belonged to their life as a com-
munity of religious. See Records S.J. vol. i. p. 98, &c.
I ' An alias for the General, Mutius Vitelleschi.
Conseqtcences to the Institute. 113
The position occupied by this paragraph in the
letter, following as it does immediately upon a notifi-
cation 7 to the Fathers respecting the appointment of
an English Bishop, with directions for their conduct
concerning it, is observable. It may throw further
light upon Father Blount's reasons for the course he
was adopting in the communications he made to the
General with regard to Mary Ward and the Institute.
Those measures were exactly what any Superior of
the Society would naturally be bound to take under
the circumstances, and considering the rules and
principles of the Society itself But the condition
of affairs at the moment may have made it inevitable
that what was natural caution in the Society and its
Superiors should have been interpreted, by the enemies
of both, as involving some hostility to Mary Ward.
Thus it was that Mary and hers were, as she says,
" much contemned on all sides in England." She
knew well by her own experience the laborious and
painful life they were already leading there. Let us
hope that in this additional suffering her strong and
faithful heart could find comfort, nay, joy, for herself
7 "Thirdly, because it hath pleased His Holiness to grant unto the
clergy of England a bishop, I greatly desire that all be presently
admonished that they take great care in their speeches and conversa-
tions with others never to mislike thereof, but rather that they praise
and approve His Holiness's proceeding therein, hoping that all will be
for God's greater glory and the good of our country. And that we, our
Society, will always be ready to serve him here for the good of souls,
no less than it doth the bishops in other countries ; and that we will all
endeavour never to give him or the clergy any just occasion of offence
or exception against us, or any of our proceedings, in which I do now
more than ever desire, and so far forth as I may, command that all
wariness and circumspection be observed by us " (^Records S.J. vol. i.
p. 128).
I 2
114 Journey to Perugia.
and them in our Lord's consoling words, the counter-
blessing to the woe with which He denounces those
whom all " men bless."
CHAPTER VHI.
Perugia.
1624.
The Cross was indeed pressing sorely upon Mary.
Well must she have been assured also that whatever
were the burden she had hitherto carried, there was a
further addition in store in the anxieties of dealing
with fresh work and fresh minds, and with much
probable opposition consequent upon the enterprise
now before her, bright as in prospect it appeared.
But not an expression of discontent, or complaint, or
discouragement is extracted from her. On the con-
trary, she set out for Perugia with a calm cheerful
spirit, as we shall see by her own letters, which best
describe what befell her and those with her. The
journey, in part through a mountainous district, was
to be performed after her usual fashion on foot, and
almost in a penniless condition. The bareness of the
money-chest at the Roman house is revealed by the
fact that Mother Susanna Rookwood's little affec-
tionate offering, meant, as we have seen, for some
requisite for a state of health in Mary, already giving
evidence of the suffering malady from which she was
never henceforth to be free, was set aside instead as
Letter to Father Coffin. 115
the sum total to be expended on travelling expenses.
The "pistole"^ of which we have already heard,
was therefore to serve for the needs of Mary, Mother
Margaret Horde, then Procuratrix or Minister at
Rome, Mother Mary Clayton, and Hester, a lay-
sister, besides, doubtless, the Rev. Henry Lee and
the faithful Robert Wright, their constant fellow-
travellers during their pedestrian journey of some
seventy miles. But such a prospect was too much for
Mother Susanna's warm heart, and she at once sent
off out of their own scanty means at Naples three
more gold coins to add to t)ie purse of the travellers.
The letter in which Mary gives a few details as to
their reception, and first impressions of Perugia, is
not, from its date, among the earliest which she wrote
after her arrival. It is addressed to Father Coffin,^
S.J., for twenty years Confessor at the English College,
and we may gather, perhaps, Confessor to the English
ladies at this period. The confidence with which
Mary writes is a guide as to the sentiments of this
good Father, with regard to the Institute and its well-
being in Rome and elsewhere.
LH.S.
As I am most secure of your Reverence's true desire of
best success in these and all other businesses, so had I ere
this acquainted you with our safety at Perugia, kind enter-
tainment and what we here find, had there not been
immediate hindrances, partly by a sudden fit of illness
^ A gold coin, then worth in Italy about 13s. gd., equivalent to a
quarter of a doubloon.
2 Father Coffin became a Jesuit in England in 1598. He was in
chains for the faith and afterwards banished in 1603. He died at
St. Omer in 1626, on his way back to England.
ii6 Reception in Perugia.
which prevented the post one week, but principally by the
everlasting visits of these Sigre Perugiane, who are super
abundant in their compliments, and their discourse not
only eloquent but of such continuance that our chamberful
of them beginning at 19 are scarce at 24 [that is by Italian
time from one to about six o'clock p.m.] come to their usual
conclusion, Se non occorre niente V.S. mi comtnandi, fin al
sangue La serviro. But to my purpose, and first of our
journey. The weather was so sharp and wind so boisterous,
especially amongst the mountains, that Mother Minister and
Mary Clayton being weak and Hester not well, we could
not without further prejudice to their health make long
journeys, so were on the way five days and a half The
next day after our coming Mgr. Vescovo sent his coach
with Mgre. di Casa, secretary, and staffieri for us to come to
his palace, where himself received us with great compliment
and much courtesy, spending some two or three hours in
discourse of our practice and manner of life, in all of which
he seemed to take much gust and satisfaction. The last
Sunday we were in with him again (sent for as before) and
as much contented as at first. I daresay the good old man
loves and esteems us very much, and desires our settling in
Perugia with his whole heart, but he hath people about him,
and certain favourites in the town, who will, I fear, keep
him from doing much for us, yet man proposes and God
disposes. Whose wisdom we shall experience in time. The
house and church which the Bishop hath given us we have
seen, and I wish that ours had the like rent free in Rome.
The air and situation are so good as to make the inhabitants
live many more years than they could in your gross and
muddy Roman air. The said house the Bishop hath givem
order should be accommodated fit for our use, and I think
some day this week we shall take possession. Thrice I have
been hindered by visits writing this letter ! God knows how
it hangs together ! Your Reverence will not forget her in
The Bishop's Ode. 117
your holy memories, whom you know so unable to discharge
what duty requires, and with your leave I will here present
my due respects to Rev. Father Rector,^ whose health and
happiness God conserve many years. And so for the time
I ease your Reverence's troubles.
Your Reverence's ever humbly,
Marie Warde.
Perugia, Feb. 6, 1624.
Mary, with her usual modesty, omits here a very
remarkable feature as to her arrival at Perugia.
Mother Winefrid happily supplies the deficiency,
though in two lines only, stating that " she was
received by the Bishop in his pontifical attire, with
all his clergy singing the Te Deum, and made several
verses in her praise." The procession was in honour
of St. Constantius the Patron Saint of the city, and
made yearly on his feast, the 29th of January,*
though on this occasion Mary Ward and her com-
panions became by its means an object of general
public attention and affectionate welcome on the part
of the Bishop and its inhabitants. The Bishop's ode"'^
is a Latin composition in sixteen verses, in which he
reminds the Perugians how God sent labourers into
His vineyard, and to them especially, ever since the
time of the Apostles, to whom they owed the Faith,
from all parts of the world. They had received
religious, he adds, lately both from France and
^ Father Thomas Fitzherbert.
* " At Perugia, St. Constantius, bishop and martyr, with his com*
panions who, for defence of the faith, under the Emperor Marcus
AureUus, received the crovra of martyrdom " {Roman Martyrology for
January 29).
« See Note III. to Book V.
ii8 House and poverty at Perugia.
Spain, men devoted to solitude, prayer and fasting,
and now St. Constantius, on his feast, had sent them
noble virgins from England to instruct their daughters
in all useful learning. Their manner of life was then
under the consideration of a congregation at Rome,
and they came recommended to the Prelate for their
virtues and merits, by letters from sovereigns and
from eminent Cardinals of the Sacred College. He
receives them with great spiritual joy, and installs
them in a house and church according to their desire.
God will bless them and St. Constantius will be their
protector, and Perugia will henceforth have still more
abundant reasons for gratitude at the Saint's yearly
festival and procession.
The house of which both the Bishop and Mary
write was not apparently in a very habitable state,
as although he immediately handed it over to her,
she tells Winefrid in a letter of January 30th that
they have not yet taken possession. " I might, but
defer till the Bishop hath made it windows and some
doors that it wants." She writes further of their
poverty, thanking Mother Susanna for the " three
pieces of gold sent through Father Tufola, it served
me for my viaticum," i.e., for the journey to Perugia.
"Now we are as poor as Job, which poor Mother
Superior nor her Minister," meaning Winefrid, " can-
not help, for if they could I should not want. I
long to hear what success those Cardinals their
letters hath. I hope the best, and whatsoever comes
is good and the best, because that which He would
have Which cannot err. Commend me to Mother
Margaret and the rest." Lack of time prevents her
Mary's thought for others. 119
telling Winefrid "how things stand with us here in
Perugia, of which I have not a moment now to speak.
This very day I have so much to write to all parts as
little remains for you. Yet not less than you are
content withal."
Yet time never failed Mary for an act of kindness
for the good of others, and she adds :
Now I have a business to recommend unto your care-
ful despatch, which is the safe and speedy delivery of the
enclosed. It is to one of the Society there in Naples, a man
of unknown sanctity, and it comes from a secular priest, a
great servant of God, and friend of ours here at Perugia. I
think this good Rector hath writ in that letter some things
that nearly concern his own perfection and progress, because
he being very good and having withal so great an esteem of
that Father to which his said letter is directed, is likewise so
very solicitous that this his letter should be safe and soon
delivered, and he counts every minute till he have an
answer to it. Give it yourself to the said Father if you
can, and solicit an answer so soon as it is possible, and
enclose the said answer in one to me. For this good Rector
deserves well of us for his goodwill and some courtesies,
and most because he is one that God loves. I had little
time to write so much of this if the handling of it were not
much to purpose. Adieu, our Lord Jesus be with you, ever
and all.
We hear nothing more of this despatch, unless it
is to this which Mary refers to Winefrid in the middle
of April, "What becomes of the letter to Father
Pensculli ? " The letter to Winefrid was one written
after a longer silence than usual, but Mary took care
meantime that those at a distance from her should
know of all that was passing in Perugia and elsewhere
I20 Failing health.
by Margaret Horde, who for her fluent hand and
ready pen was then her secretary. These letters sent to
Rome were forwarded to Naples and the other houses.
Mary's letters were therefore mostly words of kindness
and encouragement, and seldom contain lengthy de-
tails. We hear on this occasion for the first time of
her failing health. She had been ill after the fatiguing
journey to Perugia, the ordinary result henceforth of
these toilsome exploits. Now she says, " To write a
few lines at this time would hurt me ; I am not sick,
only my head, which will quickly pass." This was
much for one to acknowledge whose courage and
determined will were accustomed to master all infir-
mities of body. She adds in this spirit as a " soli " to
Winefrid, " How stands or advanceth your work, is
my presence needful, or desired by any externs and
whom .-* You are to speak really in all, without respect
to my health or not health, or whatsoever other
respect, all those things are to be left to God and by
me to be considered or determined."
In spite of what she had said, Mary wrote the
same day what was probably her last letter to
Mother Susanna Rookwood, one similar in kind and
anxious thought for all. She tells her of the good
health of her brother** who was in Perugia, and regrets
the loss of another of the consignments of gold
pieces she had sent with generous love to help her
Sisters in Rome. There is no allusion to any want of
health in Mother Susanna. Her last illness and death
however speedily followed. No account remains of
• Robert Rookwood, studying probably at the University, then one
of some note.
Death of Susanna Rookwood. 121
either, but among the Bavarian archives is the follow-
ing notification in Latin on a half-sheet of old Roman
paper, docketed outside in English, "What was put
into the grave with Mother Susan Rookwood, who
dyed the 25 of May, 1624. This was putt into her
coffin written in lead ; but because latin " (corrected
in the same hand " tinne ") " is of more durance they
will have it written again in yt, and y^ former taken
out." " Susanna Rookwood, a noble Englishwoman,
aged forty-one, one of the first of our Society, lived
in it fifteen years. She was for three years Supe-
rioress in England, and there suffered much for the
Catholic faith, being five times on account of it
arrested by heretics and detained in prison. She
converted a great many souls to God, and strengthened
many in their faith. Afterwards she went to Rome
with Mother Mary della Guardia (Mary Ward), our
Praeposita General, for the confirmation of our Insti-
tute. At last, being sent in October, 1623, as Supe-
rioress to Naples, having lived a most holy life in
that city and having left behind her a great example
of sanctity and prudence, she happily fell asleep in
the Lord on May 25, 1624."
The old French Necrology of the Institute already
quoted with regard to her life in England, writes of her
as " the heroic Mother Susanna Rookwood, one of the
first companions of Mary Ward. This she certainly
was," it continues, " in her extraordinary zeal for the
honour of God and the salvation of souls, so much so
that she was very often in danger of her life for the
Catholic faith. At Naples, as Superior of the House
of the Institute there, she gave an incomparable
122 Susannas character.
example of love, wisdom, and goodness, an especial
love for spiritual things, as well as a perfect humility
and greatness of soul, so that not only the community
but also the people of the city were greatly edified
by her."
It may well be imagined what the loss of so holy
a soul from among them would be both to Mary
herself and to the members of the Institute in its
anxious condition of struggling existence. The elder
ones especially had lost a dear and much loved com-
panion, who had shared in all their earlier troubles
and labours. To Mary, to whom each one, united
with her in the bonds of holy religion, and especially
those few in whom she could wholly confide con-
cerning the affairs of the Institute, was, as it were, a
part of herself, the loss must have been irreparable.
Next to Mary, Winefrid, upon whom the chief burden
of the Naples work fell, for we find her addressed in
consequence as Vice-Superior, was just now the
sufferer. We are told that her humility caused her
so to shrink from the office of Superior that it was
never imposed upon her. At Naples she only held it
temporarily. At the same time, her mind and talents
were of that higher grade which fitted her to be the
confidant and assistant of Mary herself. Yet that
she considered herself unequal to the burden of
superiority and felt the weight a heavy one at this
time, may be inferred from Mary's expressions in the
two next encouraging letters to her. The first con-
veys to us an intimation that Almighty God permitted
to His faithful servant, Susanna Rookwood, a final
combat with the powers of evil on her death-bed.
Progress at Naples. 123
Before, she had frequently been their dauntless com-
batant in behalf of the souls they had ensnared.
Thus she delivered many from their fatal grasp, but
now the deadly affray was with herself. Nor had Mary
a doubt that once more her great Captain and Lord
had Himself been the Conqueror for and in her, and
that she had won her crown.
My Win, — I have indeed divers very good ones of
yours, it comforts me very [much] to read those passages,
and the manner of your proceedings with so true and
united will to superiors. What you did concerning your
happily deceased Superior pleased me so much as not any
one passage touching your managing of matters there or
information hither I could have wished otherwise. Your
soli about her I read and your signifying those particulars to
me was to very good purpose and much to my satisfaction
and better knowledge of her happy soul, whom the enemy
of all good had no power to hurt, and which I verily believe
is now with God. That monstrable relation of her death,
the opinion had of her by externs, &c., will do good to your-
self and others.
By what follows it would appear that the House
at Naples was making fair progress towards stability
by the admission of new members from the city itself.
The packets of a few gold pieces transmitted to Rome
every few weeks, show that the schools were likewise
prospering and their scholars increasing. Mary also
mentions from time to time the names of some of the
pupils, sending them remembrances and messages,
among them two nieces of Father Corcione's, still a
warm friend and helper, to whom yet Mary does not
124 Mary's increasing illness.
scruple to refuse certain requests incompatible with
the status of the Institute.
Your denial of Father Corcione to have any drootas
live in your house, was as it should have been ; our colleges
are only for our own. In your last which I had some hours
ago, of the 1 2 July, you ask if you may not admit the young
widow her daughter (who confesseth to Father PenscuUi) to
live in your house in her beatcHs clothes. Yes, admit of her
so on the day of our Blessed Lady as she desires, and let
her not be idle, set her to writing, reading her breviary,
work, or what you judge best and may busy her to the
purpose. For her bed I see not how you can do less than
ask her mother one for her, she knows you are in a begin-
ning and unprovided, besides that bed you may tell her will
serve when she shall be novice, all such being to bring their
beds with them. For so many crowns a month as others
give, perchance it will be better not to exact any certain sum
for that time, but leave it to their courtesy, they coming to
know by some other means after or before, as occasion
serves, what others give.
Before proceeding with this letter, which is dated
July, 1624, it is needful to turn to Mary Ward herself.
Her Heavenly Father had one more trial to lay upon
His servant, one more source of merit with which to
enrich her — the tortures of an agonizing disease.
During her stay at Perugia the first mention is made
of the suffering complaint (the stone) with which
she must already for a considerable time have been
partially afflicted, though her frequent journeys
and toils of all kinds were never in consequence
intermitted. The mental anxieties and suflferings she
had gone through since she left Flanders in 1621, had
At San Cassiano. 125
by slow degrees brought on a dangerous crisis, which
at length obliged her in Perugia to seek physicians'
advice. The pain of which she writes so lightly in
her letters, Winefrid tells us was so " excessive," that
she yielded finally to their orders and went, about the
month of June, in hopes of alleviation and of checking
the progress of the malady, to drink the waters at the
baths of San Cassiano, about seventy miles distant
among the mountains, then much frequented for com-
plaints of like nature.
It was here that a remarkable evidence was given
to her companions and others of the power and
efficacy of her prayers and merits with God. Wine-
frid, who must often have heard the history from
those who were eye-witnesses, thus relates it :
Going to the baths of S. Cassiano she found the said
Cardinal Trescio there, likewise for some infirmity of his,
which it seems the waters agreed not with, they casting him
into a violent fever, so as after a few fits the physicians
despaired of his life, which was a great affliction to our
dearest mother, not only for the part she should lose in him,
and the interest she had in his preservation, but for that
the whole Church took in his good health, and the common
loss of so worthy a prelate for learning and virtue. The
Cardinal thus despaired of and abandoned by the doctors,
she resolved on a pilgrimage, called our Blessed Lady of
Monte Giovino, sixteen miles ofif S. Cassiano, in the way of
Perugia, where as soon as arrived, which was about two of
the clock in the afternoon, she procured the Blessed Sacra-
ment to be exposed, when she put herself to pray and
continued for four hours. Which ended, she turned herself
to her companions and said, " I have no more to ask, the
Cardinal either is mended, or dead." In fine, ending her
126 Cardinal Trescio's cure.
prayer [that is after another hour, for the Painted Life ^ tells
us she prayed for five hours], she went to her lodging to
take some nourishment, being fasting till then. When the
servants had eaten, she showed her desire to know how the
Cardinal did, which was enough to the man who then
served her, who was a most faithful servant [we may recog-
nize here, doubtless, the devoted and pious Robert Wright]
to offer himself to go immediately, as he did, walking
nearly all the night so as to arrive in the morning at the
taths, where he found all ready for a journey and the
Cardinal upon immediate departure, which to him seemed a
dream, nor could he believe his own eyes. But in effect so
it was. At seven o'clock the evening before the fever left
him, and all other pains which he had in great extreme, so
as he was now able to make his journey to Caprarola, where
he stayed all the heats.
This incident took place apparently towards the
close of Mary's stay at San Cassiano, for it cannot be
imagined that she would make a pilgrimage with such
a purpose in any other way than on foot. Until her
health were in some way renovated, a walk of sixteen
miles with five hours' prayer immediately following,
still fasting and in an Italian summer, would in
itself have been very little less than miraculous.
Yet when it is the good pleasure of God to grant
some grace for His own glory, through His feeble
creatures. He gives them strength both physical and
spiritual for what He requires of them on their part.
That in Mary's case, in the present instance, it was
' The thirty-sixth picture of the Series. The inscription says,
"Mary, in the year 1624, obtained the immediate cure of his Eminence
Cardinal Trescio from a dangerous fever by a pilgrimage and five hours'
prayer before the miraculous Mother of God on Monte Giovino."
Effects of Mary's prayers. 127
so, we shall see by what she says herself of her
precarious state of convalescence, even at the end of
her visit to San Cassiano, upon her return to Perugia.
In the letter just quoted she writes, " My health was
much recovered by the waters of San Cassiano, but my
virtue is not so much as to conserve it so fully, but
yet it is good, I mean sufificient." What Mary Ward
considers "sufficient" must be measured by what she
further adds. "Do you recommend me to all with
you and our friends abroad in such manner as you
judge best ; they will excuse my not writing as yet.
I will not fail as soon as I can, but the doctors all
say, if I forbear not wholly all businesses for some
time now after these waters, I will put myself in great
danger, at least be worse than before. This may
serve for present excuse, though God knows I neither
do nor can observe it."
We are told that the wonderful cure just related
"particularly increased Cardinal Trescio his devotion
to this blessed servant of God." Another favour
somewhat of like kind granted to Mary's intercessions
is mentioned as having happened at Perugia. Wine-
frid, who relates it, adds at the same time that it
was but one out of many such known of her among
themselves. A fever broke out in the city and Mother
Elizabeth Keyes,^ a member of their Roman com-
munity, who had been transferred to Perugia during
Mary's stay, was one of the sufferers. " Omitting very
many both of our own and externs, I will only put
^ Doubtless a relative of Robert Keyes, another of the sufferers for
the Gunpowder Plot, who was of Drayton, in Northumberland, and
was nearly related to the wife of Ambrose Rookwood.
128 Esteem of Bishop of Perugia.
down — Mrs. Keyes, one of our own, then in Perugia,
so despaired of by the doctor, and he the most knowing
in that famous university, as that he coming to visit
others the next morning would not beHeve she was
alive."
These manifest marks of God's favour and many
others which Monsignor Comitoli Napoleone both
heard casually and gathered from his own observation
of Mary after her residence in Perugia, confirmed the
good Bishop in the opinion he had already formed of
her sanctity. He would not hear of her quitting his
diocese. Winefrid was asking for Mary's presence
among them at Naples, and with her for an increase
to the community there in proportion to the flourish-
ing state of their growing work, and Mary answers
these desires thus : " For my coming to you, I do
verily intend if no great accident fall out to the con-
trary, to be with you before Christmas. From hence
I cannot go till about October, then I must stay at
Rome, a very little while and it shall not be long."
She then tells of their progress in Perugia.
We have now leave for Mass in our church, but not as
yet the Blessed Sacrament, but that also will come in time.
Mother Joyce ^ I intend to make Superior here, for other
officers, or how many, I have not as yet determined. To
Naples I will bring or send, but I intend to bring them so
many as I can, and those handsome and good. Tell Mother
Margaret [Genison] her best uncle is wed, and would by all
^ Perhaps Joyce Vaux, daughter of the heroic Mrs. Vaux, bom
before the year 1595. There was a Mrs. Vaux who was a Sister of the
Institute in 1614, and cured from illness equally with Mary Ward by
the application of a portion of St. Ignatius' habit. She was also
among those who first came to the Roman house.
Elisabeth Wigmore. 129
means that she write out of hand to Mrs. Vaux and her
other friends in England some very good letters. I perceive
her former never came to their hand. Let her write such
letters and send them me and I will convey them. With
Mr. Rookwood I sent the writing about her money, giving
him the best intelligence how it should be sent us. Hers
to Mrs. Vaux would be a good one and well writ, both
which she can right well do. Tell her from me, yourself
hath a sister come to the nuns' monastery at Gand [Ghent],
whom Father Tomson^o will make write to you. I will
direct you how to answer them.
Adieu, yours all,
Perugia, July 23, 1624. Marie Ward,
Mary remained during the succeeding month in
Perugia to watch over the work, in accordance with
the wishes of the holy Prelate who had brought her
there. She concludes her September letter to Wine-
frid with " businesses," which were of great personal
interest to the latter, as concerning a sister from
whom she had long been parted. Mary had already
touched upon them in writing to her. Elisabeth
Wigmore was younger then Winefrid, and the differ-
ences which had separated them belonged probably
entirely to years gone by, though they had until now
produced a state of coldness and silence between
them. Elisabeth had perhaps not appreciated or had
even opposed Winefrid's choice of a new and untried
vocation. Now she was herself, though much later in
life than Winefrid,^^ entering the religious state, and
^'' An alias used by Father Gerard.
^^ Elisabeth Wigmore, born in 1589, was four years younger than
Winefrid, and thirty-five when she joined the new Benedictine filiation,
first settling at Ghent in 1624. " With her [Mary Knatchbull, niece
of the Lady Abbess, Lucy Knatchbull] came," says a Benedictine
J 2
130 The English Benedictines.
had learned by experience something of the mystery
of vocation when the soul finds herself a captive, yet a
willing one, to the choice God has made for her^
when He has called and she cannot but follow the
alluring attraction of His Voice, wherever He shall
lead her. We shall see how warmly Mary Ward
seconded Father Gerard's desire that the two sisters
should be once more united with each other in heart,
as they now were to be in the holy bonds of religion,
though not in the same order.
Mary Ward's former connection with the Benedic-
tines at Brussels would make her well acquainted with
the character of the holy nun there who was to be the
Abbess of the Ghent foundation. The great esteem
in which she held her is seen by what she tells
Winefrid to write. Her letter gives us also a glimpse
of the part Father Gerard was taking in promoting
Ihe welfare of the new Benedictine house, as well as
•of the watchful interest with which he still regarded
the affairs of the growing Institute and its members,
and of his intercourse by letter with Mary Ward.
The enclosed is first one to you from your sister Elis. of
whose former unkindness you must take no notice, but far
he contrary, answering this her letter very substantially
kindly and cordially, as you may see by the first part of
chronicle, "Mrs. Elisabeth Wigmore, a person of greate prudence and
pyety. Worthy Mr. Vincent, a secular priest, brought them over."
She took the name of Catharine in religion, and was the third nun
professed in the Ghent convent. She lived a life of great holinesss,
and being one of the religious sent out to establish a filiation at
Boulogne, she was elected first Abbess in 1652. She died in 1656,
having beeti a pattern of every religious virtue to her community. Her
body was taken with them when they removed to Pontoise sub-
sequently.
I
Mary^s directions to Wine/rid. 131
this other written paper (which is part of one from Father
Tomson to me) Father Tomson much desires you should.
Have you not heard that forth of the monastery of Brussels
is gone to begin a new monastery at Gand, Dame Knatch-
bull, etc. You will see the matter by the said paper. This
house is abundantly holpen by the Society. In the latter
end of your letter desire her if Rev. Father Tomson live
still at Gand that she would present your due respects to
him, whose acquaintance and help you may tell her if she
have she may esteem herself very happy, though you deem
the need of those that live under the government of that
Lady Abbess much less than any monastery you know, but •
your knowledge is little and your esteem much of all such
as have given themselves to God. Beg her to pray you
may be wholly His, and assure her of your poor ones, desire
you may now and then receive a line from her, and so with
dearest affection bid her a thousand times farewell. Let
your subscription be. Your more than ever-loving sister,
Win. Campian. Your superscription, To my dearly esteemed
sister, Mrs. Catherine Wigmore. That copy of my Lady
Abbess's to me I send you, only that you may know what
and how businesses passeth. You may show all that paper
to Mother Margaret Genison, whose to Mrs. Vaux I have
not yet sent, because I like them not so well as some others
I have seen her write, when I see her we will compose a
better, I have her long soli but not time yet to read it ;
commend me heartily to her. Jesus be with you. Tell
Father Pollard, the Scotch Father, that I have his kind
letter, and thank him for all his courtesies and goodwill to
advance that beginning. I would write again to him but
that I hope shortly to come. Adieu.
Yours ever,
Perugia, 7ber, 10, 1624. Marie Warde.
All passages here I leave still to Mother Margaret
Horde, her relation.
132 Death of the Bishop of Perugia.
Mary's last words in the above letter show she
was about to fulfil her intention of leaving Perugia.
We learn that " she could not leave the place while
the holy Bishop of Perugia lived," in such great
esteem did he hold her. But his days were rather
suddenly cut short, and his death must have occurred
, in September or October, as in the end of the latter
month we find Mary once more in Rome. His loss
was severely felt by the members of the Institute
house, as will appear later on. Besides his high
position, the reverence and respect felt towards him
from his personal sanctity had drawn others in the
city to follow his example in protecting and assisting
the new comers in their work of education. " His
merits before God may be judged of, seeing that,
being still on the bier, his dead body wrought several
miracles before being put in the ground."
CHAPTER IX.
A Struggle for Life.
1624, 1625.
Mary Ward's absence at Perugia and attention to
the minor details of the new settlement there, in no
way hindered her zealous prosecution of the great
scheme she had at heart. She returned to Rome
with energies but quickened to pursue it. The larger
the number of souls for whom she and hers suffered
and toiled, the greater became her thirst to suffer
and toil again, and to bring yet more and more to
the feet of her Divine Master as the trophies of His
Cross. Disappointed in her endeavours, before
leaving the Holy City, to obtain an audience of
Urban VHI., she had learned to mistrust the inter-
vention of those through whom she had sought it,
and privately determined on her return to use her
own woman's wit in the affair, and to take the risk
of the consequences. Nor was she unwise in this
persevering desire that the Pontiff should become
personally acquainted with herself and her com-
panions, as the sequel will show. It was one of her
"ventures," and God blessed the result even to long
after years.
The Pope's departure ere long for Frascati, to
134 Ui'ban VIII.
enjoy a short period of repose in that beautiful spot,
so great a favourite both of the occupiers of the
Holy See and of the Roman people, suggested itself
to Mary as a favourable opportunity. Except as
necessarily regarded the high dignity of his spiritual
position, Urban was not a Pontiff of formidable
approach. His piety,^ mildness, and benignity were
well known, while his large acquaintance with business
and intercourse with the world in foreign Courts in
his earlier days had rendered him skilful in his
dealings, and quick in discernment of character and
merit. His enemies have written of him that, in his
audiences, taking the conversation into his own hands,
and guiding it according to his particular views, in
a spirit of contradiction, he would turn it against the
unfortunate petitioner and maintain his opinion at
all costs. But Urban may have learned by ex-
perience with what difficulties truth has to contend
in obtaining access to the ears of those in high place.
Perhaps it may therefore rather be supposed, that,
not satisfied with reports through others, he himself
sifted the causes brought before him on points on
which he needed information.
To Mary Ward's singleness of purpose, the inter-
view with the Father of God's people presented no
difficulties, and she spoke with freedom and con-
fidence of all her needs and difficulties as to one
to whom His will and work were as dear as to
herself, nay, how infinitely more so, as the Divinely
^ Urban is said to have knelt in the Sistine Chapel as soon as
elected, and asked God that he should die at once if his election were
to prove hurtful to the Church.
Mary's audience. 135
appointed fulfiller on earth of both ! We know what
passed on the occasion from her own words written
immediately upon her return to Rome.
For the Rev. Mother, Mother Win. Campian, Vice- Superior
of ours, Naples.
Dear Win, — Something or other still makes me be brief
with you : now the cause is only my own mistakes of the
time, thinking the post of Naples had also gone at night as
others do, when now they tell me they think the hour of
sending by this is already past. Well, my Mother, I have
divers of yours, their date I have not time to look, their con-
tents are contentful and nothing in them but what is grateful.
I will within a few days write thanks to Doctor Allen : when
I come to you is uncertain, the cause you will say is most
reasonable. Some days since His Holiness went to Frascati,
and I, accompanied with Mother Margaret Horde, Mother
Elis. Cotton, and Mother Mary Poines [Poyntz] (your
cousin), went privately (I mean without acquainting the
Fathers or others out of our own house) to seek audience
of him there, which was obtained without our obligation to
any but ourselves. I told His Holiness we were come to
supplicate that he would confirm on earth that which had
been confirmed in Heaven from all eternity, that the confir-
mation of our course was that we did require : that the same
course had been this sixteen years, was practised in so many
several countries and cities, that had been approved by
Pope [Paul] v., with a promise of confirmation, that till
it were confirmed the parents of ours would pay no portions
and that thereby we suffered, I mean all ours, in extremity,
that in this sixteen years the most orders in God's Church
had endeavoured to hinder us, &c. He answered mildly
that he had had notice of us, that of himself he could not
do it, that he knew our business had been treated of, and
that at his return to Rome he would be informed how all
136 Confidence in God.
stood by such Cardinals as had dealt in the matter. I
requested that if he would commit it to Cardinals to be
discoursed of, that it might be to some few, not such a
number as before, &c., declaring withal that several of
those who had this business in treaty before, were very
adverse, had misunderstood the nature of that Institute,
and having delivered their opinion thereabout accordingly
would never after seem to be removed, (S:c. I besought
him most earnestly to recommend the matter to God, for
to God and His Holiness we did wholly commit it. His
last words were, that he would do in it as God should
inspire him. Then I gave him the long memorial which
you know [doubtless that presented to Paul V.-], containing
the substance of what we desife. The manner of his
carriage was very pleasing and grateful : his countenance
very contentful and [as] though he had neither been dis-
gusted, nor had a desire to give disgust. Coming away, I
asked him for a chapel in our house at Rome, which he
immediately condescended unto, saying of himself, that he
would at his return to Rome give order to Card. Mellino
about it.
No one who has become acquainted with her
character, will marvel at the boldness and assurance
with which Mary spoke to Urban of the credentials,
if so we may call them, of her mission. To her her
work was already sanctioned in Heaven, and required
only the confirmation of the representative of Heaven
on earth. This was a perfectly legitimate con-
viction, if it was accompanied, which we shall have
reason to see it was, by a perfect readiness to obey
in case of disappointment. Nor were the sharp
pangs of adversity, the fiery trials God would send,
- See vol. i. Note III. to Book III. p. 375.
Foresight of trials. 137
and the dark, depressing time of humiliation and
desolation to come, hidden from her eyes while she
thus spoke. None the less were her words strong in
unshaken confidence in Him, Who holding all in His
hand, could bring good out of evil and success and
glory to Himself out of the apparent failure and
ignominy, which, as marks of His chiefest predi-
lection. He often permits to fall upon His children.
Mary's. letter just quoted was written at one or two
intervals during interruptions of some immediate
nature. The last part, added afterwards, addressed
soli for Winefrid, discloses what God had spoken to
her soul that day, while to all outward appearance
the first favourable step had been made, by Urban's
kind and genial reception of her. We must here
refer our readers to a former meditation of Mary's
more than six years before,^ in which some sight had
been very strongly impressed upon her of the dark
waters through which the Institute had to pass in
the future, and of the solitary and singular vocation
which she herself was to fulfil. While thousands of
happy souls lived peacefully in the religious state,
as it were in the garden of Eden, to her it was to be
a rough pathless wilderness of thorns. " I was as
though the occasion had been present," she then said,
" and besought our Lord with tears for grace to bear
it. I saw that there was no help or comfort for me
but to cleave fast to Him, and so I did, for He was
there to help me."
This foreshadowing of what was to come had
made a deep wound. Mary had never forgotten its
^ See vol. i. pp. 418, 419.
138 Words for Wmefrid alone.
warning ; and now, during the interview with Urban,
she had become aware of the approaching signs of
its fulfilment, and nature shrank back at the prospect.
For the first time she seeks for relief by disclosing
her fears to the sympathizing heart which was more
intimately acquainted than any of her other com-
panions, with the secrets of her soul. It was but for
a moment, for immediately she turns with unselfish
thoughtfulness for her friend, to future success, as
certainly to follow, to what was dearer to her than
herself — the work God had given her to do for Him,
and thence again with cheerful confidence to details
concerning the present to which duty called her, both
to individuals and the community at large. Especially
she advises with Winefrid upon all the pros and cons
regarding her own coming to Naples, as a subject
which would be of the greatest consolation to her.
Soli. I think, dear child, the trouble and long loneliness
you heard me speak of is not far from me, which when-
soever it is, happy success will follow. You are the first
I have uttered this conceit so plainly to, pray for me and
for the work. It grieves me I cannot have you also with
me to help to bear a part, but a part you will and shall bear
howsoever.
These words written to her friend out of the
depths of her heart, in a momentary longing for her
warm sympathy, had a stricter fulfilment in the future
than perhaps either Mary or Winefrid had any per-
ception of when written by one and read by the
other. We shall see in a future chapter how this
came to pass.
Caution necessary. 139
In the first part of her letter, Mary had charged
Winefrid to preserve a careful silence as to what
passed during her interview with Pope Urban, ex-
cepting only to Margaret Genison, whose discretion
she fully depended upon and for whom she sends
here special directions and messages.
The particulars of this discourse with the Pope, none,
Fathers nor others, must know of, but only Mother Margaret,
whose good and comfort I much wish in all. I am sorr}'^
for her indisposition, your care will not be wanting that
she want nothing. Bid her from me be well and commend
me to her. I am glad you do that work for the Gesu, but
I am somewhat afraid such continual sitting hurts her,
when that is done she will have some more rest. By all
means let her take remedies though she should seem to
have no present need. Now to my coming to you ; having
begun with His Holiness, and that he should stir in the
matter and I absent, things would not so well, besides if
that should be, I must be forced of necessity to return
presently back to Rome, and so that charge lost, therefore
till he be returned (which will be some eight days hence)
and that I see what he will do in the business, I cannot
determine certainly whether or when to come, towards you.
After the soli to Winefrid which follows, Mary
adds further injunctions of caution as to her talking
to others of the Papal audience.
Acquaint whom you think good with my speech with
the Pope, but tell them no particulars, you may pretend
that till His Holiness return to Rome you perceive I
cannot well determine the time of my coming to Naples,
&c., but do or do not this as you judge best. Advise me
whether a short time for me to be there would do any good,
and if I come not yet, how and to whom to write.
140 Another Congregation.
We shall return to certain details of interior
arrangements respecting the house at Naples, which
end this letter, dated October 27, 1624, after following
up the results of Mary's interview at Frascati. Urban
was not forgetful of the promise he had made to her,
and on his return to Rome called together a Congre-
gation of Cardinals to examine into her petition.
This Congregation, in accordance with her desire,
was composed of only four members of the Sacred
College. At their head was Cardinal Bandino, the
other three being Cardinal Mellino, Vicar of Rome,
Cardinal Cobelluzio of St. Susanna, Cardinal Antonio
Barberini of St. Onufrio. The first-named we already
know as the advocate of the cause of the English
Clergy, but at the same time, from his own personal
knowledge, Mary's friend and well-wisher. Cardinal
Mellino was in the confidence of the Jesuit Fathers,
and had had greater opportunity than any other
among the Cardinals of observing and testing the
life and character of the English Virgins in Rome.
Cardinal Cobelluzio, Librarian of the Holy See, a
man of great simplicity of life, was eminent for his
literary attainments, and well known for his devotion
to the propagation of the faith among heretics and
schismatics. He had been educated by the Jesuits,
and was therefore well acquainted with their way of
life and schools. The fourth member of the Congre-
gregation. Cardinal Barberini, was brother to Pope
Urban, and a Capuchin friar. Though not a man of
letters, he was a perfect example of heroic mortifi-
cation, of poverty, and profound humility and con-
tempt of himself He was made a Cardinal against
Little hope of success. 141
his will by Urban, and when constrained to take part
at times in public affairs, showed great ability in his
administration of them.*
Before such a tribunal it might be supposed that
Mary's cause held a good chance of a fair hearing
and a prosperous issue. Yet the two great interests
which had hitherto for very different reasons so
materially stood in * the way of her plans being
matured and brought to perfection, and had sur-
rounded her with difficulties and entanglements on
every side, were each represented in the Congregation.
And although Mary had at length, in spite of all
opposition, once more obtained a formal hearing, so
great was the cautious dread of the novelties she
wished to introduce, and so strong had been the
feeling raised against her projects, that none of her
friends entfertained a hope of her success.
The Congregation held nothing beyond a pre-
liminary sitting until the end of January, 1625.
Meanwhile Mary, not deterred by the foreboding
expressions of her well-wishers from intentions which
^ He was digging in the garden of his monastery at Florence, his
native city, when the news was sent to him of Urban's election. His
only answer was a cry of pity and prayer to God for his brother, and
while the bells of the city were ringing out glad peals of joy and congratu-
lation, Antonio added some penances to his ordinary ones to implore
grace in his behalf. Nor would he go to Rome until forced to do so by
command of the Pope. Having at length journeyed there on foot with
his religious brethren, he remained in an outer ante-chamber of the
Vatican for two hours, and was only made known by accident. He
lived the same life of austerity and devotion as a Cardinal which he had
ever done, rising at break of day for mental prayer, and hearing several
Masses before saying his own. He survived Urban, and the epitaph placed
on his grave by his orders was, Hicjacetpidvis, cinis et nihil. His revenues
had been spent on the poor and in founding convents and churches.
142 Mary remains unmoved.
had been long and solidly weighed and determined
upon, gave diligent attention to collect and put
together in writing all that was necessary for the
full information of the Cardinals. On the 25th of
the month she writes to Winefrid:
Cardinal Mellino hath been sick these five or six days,
tut is now they tell me well, nothing could be done
•without him in our business. I have once seen all the four
Cardinals, but little to the comfort of any whose hopes
were not wholly in God. Now I will go to know when
they will hold Congregation about it, that I may provide
the particulars they are to treat upon. All cry out on me
that I will go forward with the treaty of it, especially being
remitted to such who intend to strike it dead, &c. Help
me with your prayers. I will follow it to the utmost of my
power, there shall no stay be in me. For the rest God
work His holy will.
Mary's plan at this time appears to have been to
place her petition upon the most moderate footing,
and by soothing and in some measure giving way
to the traditions as to inclosure which existed among
the Romans, to gain her end in behalf of her own
country-people, who were in truth the one great
object of her solicitude. She confined her applica-
tion, therefore, for confirmation to England, Flanders,
and Germany, and this for a certain number of
members only — "at least a hundred." She hoped
thus to cut the ground under the feet of those who
were making the most of the word " non-inclosure,"
as a bugbear to scare Roman traditions and habits of
thought into a permanent refusal' of the Institute and
its ways. She perhaps relied on the permission
A crisis at hand. 143
already granted by Gregory XV., for the schools and
houses in Italy, and trusted that they would still be
allowed to remain on trial, exclusive of those in other
countries, and that the good resulting from them
would plead in their favour at a future day.
Was Mary, then, not aware that the opposition to
the first part of her scheme was perhaps more strong
even than in Gregory's time, that she should so
determinately persist in urging it with the Holy See
at this juncture .'' Or was she in so acting throwing
herself secretly upon God's protecting Providence to
control the evil elements at work in the matter }
Had she the prevision that, whether she moved in
it or not, another dangerous crisis was at hand,
menacing total destruction to the Institute whether
in Italy or elsewhere, and that it was her part by
some immediate and energetic measures to endeavour
to stay its violence .-' Mary's own words may perhaps
be some answer to these doubts, — the brief con-
cluding sentences in the letter to Winefrid, just
quoted, being almost the solitary instance on record
of her departure from her ordinary silence as to her
opponents :
Mr. Rant, the English priest who negotiates here in
Mr. Bennett's place, makes himself hoarse with speaking
against the English gentlewomen and their Institute, hath
most certainly put up four memorials against us all, full of
horrible lies, to His Holiness, to Cardinal Thoris, now
Bishop of Perugia, and with him hath done us much hurt
very lately, and I am told he hath put up the same memorial
to your Cardinal Caraffa also. This man hath procured
that Doctor Smith, a great enemy to the Society, and conse-
144 "^^^ agent of the English Clergy,
quently, — &c. [meaning opposed to the English Virgins
also] is created Bishop, and is going or gone from Paris
towards England. The match with France is fully con-
cluded, in as much as these can do here, but I hope it will
never be.
Certain passages from the correspondence of the
English Clergy Agent in Rome, belonging to the
year 1625, form further evidence.
The Rev. J. Bennett had left Rome about July,
1623. He died a few weeks subsequently and was
succeeded by the Rev. Thomas Rant, of the French
Oratory of Cardinal Berulle, who arrived in December
of that year, bringing with him the same strong
feelings as his predecessor, adverse to the Institute
of the English Virgins. During the first part of
his residence, he was much occupied with disputes
which had arisen concerning the management of
the English College by the Jesuit Fathers. But it
was not long before he took an active part in the
controversy going on with regard to Mary and
her Institute. Mary had not heard all until her
return from Perugia. That nothing short of the
annihilation of the Institute was intended, is manifest
from the instructions left by Rant to his successor
in the autumn of this year, to be quoted further on.
Some remarks written by him upon a letter in the
month of June, concerning a practice which had come
to his knowledge having reference to the interior
government of the English Virgins, lead to the same
conclusion, as well as the letter itself. On the margin
of this letter^ Rant writes : " Their schole is tooke
^ MS. in the Archives of the diocese of Westminster.
Majy without help. 145
away, they shall stay in Rome, if they will, but their
habbit shall be tooke away. Their houses at Perugia
and at Naples shall be undone." We have seen by
Mary Ward's words in what way the last part of this
threat had been attempted. The effects produced at
Perugia by the circulation of the reports she names,
had also become apparent, for the writer further
adds, in the same letter, "Mother Marg. [Horde] went
towards Perugia Sunday last, accompanied with our
two Sisters and Lennard [Robert Wright], which
three are to return so soon as the weather will
permit them, but Mother Margaret is to stay there
many months, for there things go not well."
Mary Ward had therefore to decide between two
perilous courses. In following her preparations for
the important discussion to ensue upon that which
she chose, the thought naturally presents itself, who
then was to plead for her .'' Who would rise up and
speak in her favour, and with energetic words which
would carry the force of truth with them, repel accu-
sations repeated in order to influence the Holy See "i
Witnesses there were none, for amidst all that was
said against her and her companions no living testi-
mony was ever brought forward. It had been better
if such had appeared, for in that case more hope
would have remained of exposing what was untrue
than now, when all was vague and indefinite, except
in the amount of evil laid at their door. But was
there no one who was at work in her behalf, none of
her own countrymen for whom she was labouring,
no ecclesiastic, no religious, who were throwing their
influence, their knowledge, and value of her labours
K 2
1 46 '^' Loneliness. '*
at home into the scale, no one who was generous
enough to say what they knew in her favour, to
procure her a favourable hearing and sentence ? No
information, no sign whatever is to be found that any
such there were.
The Roman authorities had no personal questions
to decide. The question, forced on them by Mary
as well as by her opponents, was whether or not to
continue the kind of approval which had before been
accorded to the Institute in order to its confirmation.
No middle course, such as deferring the decision of the
question, was open to them. And Mary had against
her a great preponderance of influences. Her truest
friends in Rome were foreigners, whom a personal
knowledge of herself and her work and compan-
ions, had made for her — strangers in blood and
country, but won by the unanswerable testimony
of the holiness of life and virtues before them.
Yet as foreigners — ignorant of English society and
English manners, as Italians and others mostly
were to a far later date than the time we are con-
sidering— they were totally unable to meet the argu-
ments against her, and singularly open to conse-
quent misconceptions as to their justice or injustice.
It was a voice from among her own people that Mary
needed, but that voice failed her. Truly she was
" lonely " or alone, as she had foreseen, and there
was no human " help or comfort for her," though even
this " loneliness " was but a foretaste of a still greater
"loneliness" to come, when her dim foreshadowings
were to receive a fuller interpretation.
Silent as she ever remained with regard to her
Need of an advocate. 147
enemies, Mary was of too generous a disposition to
have been silent in the present instance as to the
services of a warm-hearted friend at so difficult a
juncture. Nor does it appear ever to have been sug-
gested to her to procure some fitting advocate for
her side of the question, possessed of the necessary-
learning as a Canonist and theologian, who, master
of all the difficulties of her case, could both plead
for her, and, meeting her antagonists on their own
grounds, divest her cause of the false colouring thrown
over it. This may seem extraordinary to us, but it
appears from the correspondence between Cardinal
Bellarmine and St. Francis de Sales that it was at
one time exactly the same with the proposed Institute
of the Visitation. But we hear of no such services,
nor of any friendly intervention, nor of any effort
made in her behalf — of nothing, in fact, beyond
her own diligent application to all in authority
in Rome. Of English residents in the city, of the
Fathers of the Society of Jesus, no one came forward
on her side. Of the English Fathers named from
time to time in Mary's letters. Father Gerard was at
a distance, and probably, with the rest of his brethren,
refrained from any public expression of opinions as
to the Institute. Father Coffin was on the eve of his
departure for England, and would be inclined to the
same reserve. What part the General, Mutius Vitel-
leschi, took at this time, whether he moved in the
matter or not, is a point in the history which remains
in obscurity. One sentence of Mary Ward's, if un-
derstood as having reference to him, would prove
him as acting unfavourably. He did not, however,
148 Suarez and Lessius.
forbid, if such were in his power, the use of the
writings of the Society of certain learned Fathers
and eminent theologians, which Mary, among other
written arguments in favour of the Institute, collected
together and laid before the Congregation of Cardinals
individually.
Of these learned opinions there were two by
theologians whose very name alone carried weight
with them. That by Suarez^ was the first in date,
written in Spain as early as the year 161 5, and was
followed by another on the same subject by Father
Leonard LessiusJ The moving agent in eliciting
these opinions appears to have been Mary's old friend
Bishop Blaise, of St. Omer, before publishing his
formal approbation of the way of life of the English
Virgins pending the confirmation by the Holy See.
Doubtless Mary Ward herself, as also Father Lee,
and others of the Society of Jesus friendly to her
plans, were equally desirous to obtain them before
the transmission of the petition to Paul V. in 161 6.
The statement upon which the two theologians were
asked to decide is given in exactly the same words
at the commencement of each opinion. Both in their
answers argue that the way of life of the Institute is
holy, lawful, and good, but Suarez decides that the
approbation of the Holy See is necessary for its per-
petuity, from the novelty of its interior organization,
even though regarded simply as an Institute or Con-
^ Printed, in an edition of his smaller works, by the Bishop of
Bruges in 1858.
^ A copy in manuscript is in the Archives of the Society of Jesus,
vol. AngHa Hist. 1590 — 1615, and another is in the Archives at
Nymphenburg.
Difference in opinion. 149
gregation, not as a religion, or religious Order, in
which sense the legislation of the Council of Trent
is to be understood.
Considering the Institute as it was presented for
approval to the Holy See, with a Superior General,
Provincials, and the like, we can hardly doubt the
reasonableness of this view of Suarez. Lessius, on
the other hand, maintains that the power to con-
firm such Institutes in the Church has always
been possessed by bishops, and that they could
do so in perpetuity without the Sovereign Pontiff
(instancing the priests of the Oratory originally
and others), so long as these Institutes do not
assume the position and habit of a religious
Order, which the Pope alone can confirm. He
argues also that the life in the Institute of the
English Virgins is a permanent and stable state of
life by reason of its three vows, and that it is one of
equal merit before God with that in the religious
Orders confirmed by pontifical authority. Bishop
Blaise, it will be remembered,^ in virtually adopting
the opinion of Lessius by publicly pronouncing the
members of the Institute to be religious, still waited
for the approving voice of the Pope and the Congre-
gation of the Council of Trent, through Cardinal
Lancellotti, while Father Lee, who did not live to
see the result of Mary Ward's application to Paul V.,
not forgetful of the learned arguments of Suarez,
gave it as his dying injunction to her to allow nothing
to interfere with her going Romewards.
There was one other defence of the Institute by
* See vol. i, p. 404.
150 Father Burton's Treatise.
a Father of the Society which Mary was desirous to
lay before the Congregation of Cardinals. Though
the name of the writer was of far inferior note to
those of Suarez and Lessius, yet, having the impri-
mattir of the latter appended to it, its value was great
at this juncture to her.
This value consisted in the subject being treated
more in detail, and in the answers given separately to
the several arguments used by the opposers of the
Institute, both concerning the state of life professed
in it and the external objects to which its members
devoted themselves. And whereas Lessius himself
had touched only on one portion of these arguments
in his treatise, the weight of his name was given by
his imprimatur to all the answers and details here set
forth. The writer. Father Burton, S.J., from his
personal knowledge of Mary Ward and also of
Father Lee, and his position as confessor to the
English Virgins for some time, had the best means of
acquainting himself with the merits of the case. He
wrote in Latin before the year 1622, but the sub-
stance was delivered publicly also at Liege from the
pulpit. ^
While insisting on the necessity of applying to the
Holy See for the final confirmation of the Institute,
Father Burton adopts the view entertained by Lessius
as to the lawfulness, perfection, and stability of the
state professed in it pending the confirmation, giving
8 There is a copy, though without the author's name, in the Archives
of the diocese of Westminster, vol. xvi. p. 327, whence the following
extracts are taken. Father Burton was sent on the English Mission
subsequently, and died there in 1624.
Argtiments used. 151
his reasons at some length. He then enters into the
lawfulness and holiness of the objects to which the
members are devoted, as especial to the Institute
alone, apart from the ancient Orders already con-
firmed, showing also the extreme need of such an
Order in the Church, and giving details as to what is
done in the great work of education by the new
Congregation, and the fruitful results. While an-
swering objectors, he urges the practice of the Church
both of the first ages under the Apostles themselves,
and subsequently, in the employment of women as
helpers in working for souls, adducing the holy
women and deaconesses and their occupations, men-
tioned in Holy Scripture and by the Fathers, and a
long line of female saints in all lands up to mediaeval
times in support of his arguments. The objections
against non-inclosure, and against religious women
being permitted to devote themselves for such pur-
poses among the dangers notable in heretical and
schismatical countries, are also answered by the same
examples, and with other solid reasons.
Finally Father Burton argues how greatly suclr
a mode of life bears the mark of being pleasing
to Almighty God, in that He chose it for our
Blessed Lady herself, not only for her education!
in her tender years, but also while she remained
on earth after the Ascension of her Divine Son,
and gave it thus as a pattern to His Church.
He says : " In the Old Law there were in the
Temple itself, and in a place apart, maidens offered to
God and holily educated by pious women, such as
Anna the Prophetess, who served God with fastings
152 Example of our Lady.
and prayers, day and night. And this bringing up
God appointed to the Blessed Virgin herself as the
most excellent and most fit for preserving innocence
and increasing holiness. And it is more than probable
that the life of our Lady after the Ascension of her
Son was after this manner, dwelling with other
virgins. We know too, on the authority of all the
holy Fathers, that although at a tender age espoused
to Joseph, she had nevertheless taken a vow of chas-
tity, and without doubt .she had of her own free will
consecrated herself to God by the other vows of
poverty and obedience. Also to the great glory of
God she aided her neighbours by her blessed example
and heavenly conversation, or I should rather say,
that she cherished and fostered the newly-founded
Church of Christ. From all this we may reasonably
conclude that many of those women who lay down
their goods at the feet of the Apostles, in order to
follow Christ, embraced the same state of life. What
wonder then that the devil, the wicked enemy of
innocence, should impugn and endeavour to over-
throw such an Institute most pleasing to God and our
Lady ! "
In conclusion. Father Burton demonstrates the
dangers to the soul incurred by those who opposed
the intentions of Divine Providence with regard to
this new Institute, either by evil speaking, and throw-
ing hindrances in the. way of its full confirmation by
ecclesiastical authority, or by preventing individuals
from following the counsels of our Lord in devoting
themselves therein to a life of perfection.
It is for a copy of this able, though rather lengthy
Treatise mislaid. 153
defence of the Institute that Mary Ward, having no
one to enforce its arguments by word of mouth, writes
most urgently to Winefrid. She believed she had left
it behind her at Naples. At the last moment, when
its need was immediate for the assembly of Cardinals,
the valuable document was nowhere to be found.
Dear Winn, — In more than post haste, send by the very
first procaccia that treatise Father Burton wrote and Father
Lessius approved with a few lines in the latter end, in com-
mendation of our Institute. I have such need of some
things in that paper and that so present need, as to have it
here at this present, I would give the weight of it in gold,
I must stay some main matter till I have it. That you have
there is in Latin : perchance it was lent to Father Corcione,
but I think I left it with you with other papers ; there is no
other in these countries. Would to God I had it here ;
miss all other businesses rather than omit to find it out, and
send it by the very next. Give the procaccia great charge of
it. The Cardinals mean to do the worst; all four are bent
to do what hurt they can, who can do no more than God
will suffer them. Make haste to send that treatise. Jesus
be with you. Rome, February 6, 1625.
There are two letters of Mary's to the same
purport, written with equal urgency, and sent by two
different conveyances. Two days afterwards she
writes to say she has found the paper, and adds,
" Nothing more as yet done in our weary business.
The Cardinals have not yet consulted formally about
it ; they are all disposed to do their worst, but God
can do all that He wills. Pray for me, it is now the
time." This is the natural language of an ardent
154 Cardinal Borghese.
heart, and Mary would not have denied that the
Cardinals were bound to decide the question before
them as seemed best and safest for the Church.
That the Cardinals were indeed intending "the worst"
was within a week or two fully proved by Mary's
receiving an intimation from Cardinal Mellino of the
decree in preparation. Once more the total ruin of
her work appeared imminent, and once again did she
ponder upon some means of averting the storm.
Among the members of the Sacred College there
was one of whom it is said, that of his numerous
petitioners "no one ever left him uncontented or
ungratified." Cardinal Borghese, the nephew of
Paul v., although of the Cafifarelli family, was made
by that Pontiff the representative of the powerful
house of Borghese, in default of other fitting sub-
jects, and promoted to the purple. His noble charac-
ter, with the charm of his affability and courteous
bearing, and his munificent alms to the poor and
others, gave him the love of the Roman people of all
classes. Called in consequence La Delizia di Romay
he retained their confidence under the two succeeding
Popes, and possessed considerable influence. With
him the English Virgins had already become ac-
quainted, and Mary determined in these pressing
distresses to have recourse to him, in the hope that
his all-prevailing intervention might stem the tide of
adverse opinion threatening to overwhelm them. She
drew up a memoriaP*^ to him in the name of them all,.
^^ The original copy, in Italian, is among the Nymphenburg
Archives.
Memorial to the Cardinal. 155
throwing themselves upon " his powerful aid in their
great necessities," and intreating him to
Deign to favour and protect these strangers flying to his
paternal charity in their sufferings, so that by his means
leave may be granted them at least to retain the houses
they have already begun in Italy, and to live in them con-
formably to their custom elsewhere, as they have done in
Italy for the space of three years with the permission given
by the Congregation of Regulars under the Pontificate of
Gregory XV.
The memorial gives a rapid sketch of the history
of the Institute from its rise at St. Omer in 1609 to
the year in which it was written, 1625, noting espe-
cially how in each new foundation which had been
made, and in every step taken towards the consolida-
tion of the Institute, ecclesiastical superiors had been
consulted and the necessary authority obtained from
them. The applications to Paul V. and Gregory XV.,
and the permissions thence resulting, are mentioned
in detail, and finally the petition to Urban, then under
discussion by the Cardinals appointed by him,
Who [the memorial proceeds], (as we have to hope)
have weighed the business as it is needful for those who are
deputed judges in matters so nearly appertaining to the
service of God and the good of souls. But, quite contrary
to all expectation, and to the astonishment of many, the
Lord Cardinal Mellino, the day before yesterday, told the
said ladies that His Holiness and the Congregation of the
four Cardinals had made an end of our business, and that
His Holiness would not in any way confirm their Institute,
nor even permit that their houses formed in Italy should
continue, but that, as their enemies will say, every one
should go to her home.
156 Decree postponed.
The copy of this memorial, from which the above
is translated, appears to have been sent to some other
house — to Naples, probably to Winefrid, who seems
to have been in some way the keeper of archives to
the Institute. In this instance, however, it was for
another purpose that the memorial was transmitted.
There are two lines drawn across the paper, cutting
off the introductory and final deprecations concerning
Cardinal Borghese's help, and Mary Ward writes with
her own hand in the margin at the first line, " from
this line to that below," adding at the latter, " Hitherto
may be shown to any and the paper you show them
with, &c., and let the party know^ this was writ to
Card. Borghese, and indeed on purpose to convince
Card. Mellino of General [query, of the Jesuits] his
mistakes. In particular he saith we live in Rome
collegiately without leave, that we have begun at
Naples and Perugia without order, as though we had
stolen into those cities, or thrust ourselves upon this
people ere they were aware of us ; and such like,
which by these public notes, seen to many as that
which is put in Card. Borghese his hands, will be,
will plainly oppose to be false, and these, though
briefly, show what will do well they know in other
things also."
How far Cardinal Borghese's influence and good
offices were exerted in favour of Mary according to
her petitions, remains in doubt, though the expres-
sions used with regard to him on a future and more
important occasion would lead to such a conclusion.
But thus much is certain, that the dreaded de-
cree was postponed. She obtained another hearing
Mary's account to Wine/rid. 157
for her cause, and a deputation of bishops from the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars was appointed
to visit the Institute House. It would almost appear
from what Mary says to Winefrid, that she had her-
self been permitted to plead before the Cardinals.
Dear Winn, — Here hath been such hot businesses since
Monday in Holy Week ^^ betwixt the good Cardinals and us,
as no one shall not in many ages if ever see the like, espe-
cially in cases where God is only served and sought. The
gain will be ours every way in the end. It grieves me that
neither health nor time will let me relate particularly how
things go — -nay, would God's will and glory would stand
withal, and that I had you here to help to set down things
that pass. One cannot do all as it is, but patience. Two
companions is not for me in these times : help me there by
your labours and here by your prayers. I was here called
away by him that was last Nuncio in Germany,^^ and it is
now so late as I fear the post will be gone. Rome, April 6,
1625.
A fortnight later she writes :
I do not think we shall be sent from Rome, because by
some we nxust be expulsed, or else we stay still here. , I
have long expected those bishops that were appointed to
come visit us, but they come not. We shall surely hear
something of them by the next post, and as things go be
sure you shall understand. The late begun wars at Genoa
goeth ill, the enemy prevails much. This Court is much
troubled, for it is greatly feared Rome itself will have its
part ; but I hope God will protect His, Whose holy will be
ever done. This year of jubilee will with too good cause
be remembered : it may be the broils distract from the
^^ Easter Day fell on March 30 in the year 1625.
^^ Cardinal Albergati.
158 War in the Valtelline.
prosecution of what was ihtended against us. One may
speak with more freedom of these things hereafter. Write
a good letter to Father Coffin, taking notice of his departure
from Ronle towards England. Remember me to all,
Mother Jane [Brown] in particular. Rome, April 19, 1625.
The war in the Valtelline ^^ and with Genoa, to
which Mary Ward here refers, had, in the spring of
the year 1625, suddenly broken out afresh, and filled
Rome with warlike preparations and with alarm as to
the future. The Papal Court became in consequence
fully occupied with discussing the steps necessary to
1)6 taken and the results likely to follow. Nor were
foreign politics and the horrors of war the only sub-
jects which were rapidly engrossing men's minds and
distracting them from matters of less immediate in-
^^ During the Pontificate of Gregory XV. the oppressed condition
of the Catholic inhabitants of the Valtelline, the mountainous district of
the lower Alps bordering on the Austrian Tyrol, who were persecuted
by their Protestant neighbours of the Grisons, had been made a handle
Ijy Richelieu to aim a blow at the Austrian Empire, one of the first notes
of the approaching war between the two powers. France, Savoy, and
Venice united to force the Austrians to give up the Grisons' passes and
fortresses, garrisoned by their soldiers. The Pope hastened to act as
mediator, and occupied the fortresses with his troops. But in the year
1625 Richelieu resumed his former projects, and a French army sud-
denly drove out the Papal troops and took possession of the disputed
territory and strong places. Urban VIII. at once took vigorous
measures, and ordered his soldiers into the Milanese to force the
French to give up their conquests. At the same time. Savoy, assisted
by the Spaniards, whose garrisons held the fortresses on the Italian side
of the mountains, attacked Genoa. The north of Italy was therefore
full of troops, likely to overrun the country if the war continued, and
endanger Rome. This war was predicted by Domenico di Gesii, who
exhorted Urban to send his nephew. Cardinal Francesco Barberini, as
Legate to France to stay its progress. Urban followed his advice, and
peace was in consequence restored in March, 1626.
" The year of misery!^ 159
terest, because less personal. That frightful scourge
of years gone by, the plague, had appeared in Sicily,
which it desolated by its presence, then had spread to
Naples, and it was feared would continue its ravages
until it reached the Holy City, where the overflow of
the Tiber was preparing it a ready entrance. With
these sources of public distress agitating all the dwellers
in Rome, it is no wonder that the year of Jubilee
which had opened so brightly should, as it passed on,
be termed instead by some as " the year of misery,"
nor that many minor affairs under consideration by
the highest in authority should for the time be thrust
aside. Among the latter may be placed the pending
cause of the supplicant Institute. The further sittings
of the Congregation of Cardinals engaged in its dis-
cussion ceased, partly perhaps from the appointment
of one of its members. Cardinal Antonio Barberini,
to fill the important office of Minister of State, during
his nephew Francesco's absence in France to nego-
tiate a peace between the belligerents.
CHAPTER X.
Some results of the Holy Year.
1625.
Mary Ward seized the opportunity of the lull pro-
duced in the weary strife, in which she had to take so
prominent a part in Rome, to pay a short visit to San
Cassiano, the state of her health again obliging her to
have recourse to the mineral waters. Of her own
private life during the whole of the year 1625, we
shall learn some particulars shortly. Meanwhile a
glimpse may now and then be gained of what was
passing in her Italian communities and of her direc-
tion of them, from Mary's Naples correspondence.
These letters, written amidst the harass of the hand
to hand struggle for her Institute, its life or its death,
contain, it is true, but touches which make us wish for
more. But to obtain the true idea of a character as
a whole, little things which concern it more or less
nearly can by no means be parted with, any further
than the finer touches of the brush can be dispensed
with in a painting.
To go back, then, to the time of Mary's interview
with Urban VIII. at Frascati. Engaged in a war of
words externally, the trials which extreme poverty
bring with it met Mary on every side, both within her
Poverty. 1 6 1
houses in providing for the needs of all, as well as
without them in carrying on her daily business. She
evidently never had a penny of ready money at com-
mand. Thus, for instance, when telling Winefrid she
has found the much-desired copy of Father Burton's
defence, she adds, " If you have not already sent it
keep it there, for I perchance shall not have money
to pay for it." In another letter, written on a scrap
of paper, she says : " You know not what a good deed
you have done to send this money and these things ;
none in so great need." A postscript added to this
is : " There is not one bit of paper more in the
house ! "
But in spite of this state of poverty at Rome the
house at Naples was promising to become a flourish-
ing foundation. And v/hile craving for a further relay
of their Sisters to help in teaching the growing num-
ber of scholars, the generous hearts there were con-
tinually forwarding all their few spare coins to relieve
the necessities of the mother house in Rome. Scarcely
a letter but announces the welcome receipt of these
small consignments. In announcing to Winefrid,
when recounting her interview with Urban, " Two
[namely, Sfsters] is all I can send you, if I come not,
Mother Ratclifie and Mother Jane Brown, but take
no notice of these two to any here," Mary adds : " But
for the gold you sent, we here had been poor." A
letter from Margaret Horde tells further of these little
packets of gold, and lets us see something of the warm
affection, of which these were a tangible mark — an
affection which united all these devoted hearts in one.
The sufferings and endurances of one house, and
L 2
1 62 Letter of Ma^'garet Horde.
especially those of their head, were the sufferings and
endurances of all, and this spirit was most carefully-
cherished among them by Mary as the source of an
union which would make them invulnerable to their
enemies, and more than aught else conduce to the
greater glory of God in their labour for souls.
Rev. my ever very dr. Mor., — I am sure you have had
many a heartache since this last post that you had no letters
from me, and verily I have not been in quiet to think how
much you would suffer in this particular. On Saturday last
my hands were tied all the day with weaving of strings (for
certain tokens which dear Mor. is making for your Signoras,
etc.). On Wednesday following I fully intended to have
writ by the Stafetta, and that very day likewise I was
hindered by the same occasion, till it was too late to send
my letter. Dear. Mor., pardon me, verily I am most heartily
.■sorry, and I need no other penance than what I have given
myself, in putting you to such trouble and pain. I had two
of yours yesterday, one of the 23rd and the other wherein
was a piece of gold of the 25th of the same. This latter I
^suppose is that which the week before you mentioned was
sent by the Father's means, and it seems that Father staying
that should have brought it, he sent it to the post to bring.
It was good hap it passed the post's hands so well. I am
sure it came in very good time. Sweet Jesus reward you
for it, as also for the box of silks, and 3 doubles [doubloons,
worth in those days about 64s. each] enclosed you mention,
etc. : we sent presently to the Dogana to inquire after it, and
%ve cannot hear as yet of any : they say for certain there is no
snch thing come. I suppose we shall hear of it the next
post, perhaps it did not come the last. Mr. Noble was too
late methinks. God Almighty seeth our necessity too great
to let us lose such a thing ; I will hope the best. For the
business you desire to know, dear Mother saith that if there
Mother Rat cliff e. 163
be no remedy but it, you must needs go to the Viceroy
before more comes ; rather than lose that occasion, or give
disgust to Father Corcione, you may for the one time go
accompanied with some Vecchia Donna, according as Father
Corcione shall think fit. This dear Mother is more willing
to, because she hopes it will be the last time you will have
need in that kind. I am called away. Dear Mother is
reasonable well, only weak. Dear Mother saith would to
God you could procure that money of Mico to pay some
debts here, but she would not, except you could do it in a
very good manner, and without the least prejudice to
yrselves. [The letter ends suddenly, and in Mary Ward's
hand, who seems to have taken the pen, is added] the 30
of gber. 1624. Yours,
Margt. Hord.
[Mary continues.] My dear Winn, I hope to send ours
away speedily. Oh, how gladly would I have that beginning
settled. By the next much more. Jesus be ever with you.
My blessing to Mother Margt, and she is the first that ever
I sent my poor blessing to ! Adieu.
I will answer Mother Margett's when I can. Yours,
Mary Ward.
Of the two Sisters who went shortly afterwards to
Naples, Mother Ratcliffe^ and Mother Jane Brown,
the former was named Superior by Mary Ward, thus
relieving Winefrid of an office she so little relished.
Hopes had been entertained of the entrance into the
^ Of the ancient Yorkshire Catholic family of Ratcliffe, one of
whom is mentioned with Sir W. Catesby and Lord Lovell in the well-
known historical rhyme which cost the author his life in the time of
Richard III.
The cat, the rat, and Lovell our dog
Rule all England under a hog.
Referring to the King, who had a boar, while Lovell bore a hound, in
his coat of arms.
164 Princess Constanza Barberini.
Naples community of two Italian ladies well dowered,
and Mary had written : " Let me knoW if there be
any certainty or further speech of those two Sisters
with ten thousand crowns apiece, and what of aught
else may necessitate my coming." Some weeks later,
Winefrid, her hopes failing her at their tardiness, and
full of anxiety for the welfare of the Naples work, had
recourse to Mary Ward's prayers. In answer, the
latter says : " I know not what just cause you have
to think my poor prayers so powerful, but you
shall be cause that I pray for these gentlewomen as
well as I can, and do you so likewise, we so will
sooner obtain. Fain indeed would I see a foundation
at Naples, but God hath His times for all," Whether
Mary's prayers were answered or not, the Naples
house appears never, after its first days, to have
suffered from the wholly penniless state which was the
normal condition of the Roman community.
It is in connection with the latter, that the Princess
Constanza Barberini is for the first time brought
before us, through her asking, as the great sometimes
unknowingly do, a very inconvenient favour of
Mary Ward. The favour shows, however, from its
nature, the friendly relations already established
between the Princess and the English Ladies.
Mary writes, when expecting the first meeting of
the Cardinals engaged in her business, and fully
occupied with her previous preparations : " Donna
Constanza, the Pope's sister-in-law, sent her maestra
di camera to entreat me for her sake to do the charity
to receive the Marchesa in prison into our house for
two or three months. A grave Father of the Society
Return of Mary's illness. 165
hath likewise been to entreat it ; we have consented,
and I expect her hourly, or rather when she comes.
You will think we want our senses, having no servant,
and that I want Lennard Morris [Robert Wright], not
being able to come or bring a message. But God of
His goodness grant I want not grace, and all else is
easy." Robert Wright and the two lay-sisters had
just gone on the journey with Mother Margaret
Horde, the Procuratrix, to Perugia, nothing there-
fore could have been more inopportune than the
Princess Constanza's request. A fortnight later
Mary adds to another letter : " The Marchesa came
to us the last night." Whatever inconvenience the
Princess caused the English Ladies by her charity in
this instance, her friendship became life-long and
publicly known, as we shall find it was. It stood them
in good stead on many occasions of need at a future
time, especially in their communications with the
Pope.
But to pass on once more to Eastertide, and what
was then occurring in the Holy City. The anxieties
of the winter had been telling on Mary's feeble frame,
and forced her to seek for a remedy at San Cassiano.
The question became pressing how to get means for
the journey. Such was the poverty of the house, that
money enough even for her economical travelling
could not be scraped together at Rome, and at the
end of April she was forced to tell her needs to
her generous children at Naples. Once more too
we get a hint of the devoted friendship of Mr. Henry
Lee.
1 66 Journey to San Cassiano.
Good Winn,— Let your Superior [Mrs. Ratcliffe] know
that if any money can be had there for my going to the
baths (which is not without need) that if it come not quickly
and sooner perchance than she can procure it, it will not
serve for that use. For my businesses lie [by] now in Rome^
and to return from those baths to Rome in the heats is
imminent peril of life. Procure I know by the next what can
be done in this, and how it is had ; it may come hither as
Mr. Lee's money, if so much can be had of which I
make great doubt. I fear Mother Superior, yours I
mean, hath as much need as I (more she cannot). God
help us both and give us such health to serve Him with^
as He sees best. Jesus be with you.
The Sisters at Naples failed, in spite of all their
endeavours to gather together or borrow the desired
sum. God's watchful Providence, however, brought the
requisite money to Mary, and sent her on her journey
in another way. To Winefrid, she says within a week
or two :
I wrote not to you the last post on purpose. In my
^ last I thanked Mother Superior much for her care in
procuring the monies of Mr. Doctor Allen, though as I
told her no money of his will ever be had, neither would
I have her trouble him any more about it. God hath so
provided as that the Irish Capuchin I wrote of in my last
hath given me thirty crowns for that journey, and Cardinal
Ludovisius,^ at the first sight of a line or two I wrote him
last night, lent us a coach for the first forty miles, which is
more than half of the way. This is Saturday, and on
Tuesday, by God's grace, we will go towards St. Cassiano.
" Nephew of Gregory XV., during whose short Pontificate he bore
the whole weight of government, conducting public business with much
ability. He is written of as having a great and generous soul, as well
as being kindhearted and easy of access.
• Mary commends Wine/rid. 167
But Winefrid's anxious affection, ever specially-
on the watch for all that touched Mary personally,,
had taken alarm at the news of her suffering state.
Mary, therefore, to console and encourage her, and at
the same time to direct this affection in the right
channel to God's glory, adds the following beautiful
words of commendation and counsel, impressing upon
her afresh the spirit which she had striven to implant
among all hers, as a distinguishing feature of the
Institute :
The news from England I have enclosed in Mother
Superior's, but even now we hear the young King,
is also dead, how true this is I know not. And now to my
purpose, dear child. I cannot but see and note much your
so great care and desire of my health. Keep that disposi-
tion always towards whosoever holds that place, for though
I be not going to leave it, yet I hope you will live much
longer than that will. Indeed, my Mother, you would not
believe how much the least want of union there doth
deform and disable in all. My love to you is not little^
therefore I will have you prevent the loss of this treasure.
Ask therefore sometimes of God that He would {Soli) give
you grace to be ever fully and perfectly united with your
Superior (I mean the chief and other Superiors, so far as
their will is hers) in will and work. O Winn, what a harvest
will you then have, when all good things are to be gathered I
I will join with you and ask this grace for you, because it
seems to me a goodly thing and not to be in any alone, but
that who hath this hath a great deal and wants but little.
Farewell, dear Win, pray for yours
Mary Ward.
Take special care of your Superior's health, and if
abstaining from flesh on days prohibited do her hurt, do
1 68 Letter to Cardinal Magalotti.
you cause her to eat flesh again. Remember me and
recommend me to the prayers of all ours. I intend to
answer Mother Shelley's before I go, though now I
cannot. Vale.
Mary remained at San Cassiano but a few weeks,
and at the end of June she was again in Rome.
There had been a pause in the public discussion of
her business, but those who were foremost in the'
ranks of her opposers had not been idle meantime.
The English agent and others were still looking
out for any evidence which would tell with the Car-
dinals against the English Ladies, and even a very
small matter was eagerly seized on to increase the
feeling against them. By some means the direction
of a letter, written from England by one of them
to Mary Ward, had reached Rant's hands in the
month of June. This direction was in Latin, pro-
bably because the writer did not know Italian, and
addressed her as " The Very Rev, Mother in Christ,
our Generaless." The letter had thus passed through
the post, and the sight of the address rousing
Rant's indignation, he lost no time in endeavouring to
communicate with Cardinal Magalotti, one of Urban's
private secretaries. Writing for this purpose to
the Cardinal,^ he tells him that " These Ladies give
themselves out to the world as religious, a fact fre-
quently lamented by the clergy of England, who had
informed His Holiness of many and great disorders
springing from their Institute and way of life." He
therefore begs the Cardinal to " show the address of
the letter to the Pope, that he may see the title they
^ The original is in the Archives of the diocese of Westminster.
Other statements. 169
usurp without any authority from the Holy See, so
that he may provide that such an extravagant Insti-
tute should proceed no further." It is " zeal for the
poor and afflicted Church of England, in which the
unheard-of novelty of this exorbitant Institute of
women had recently arisen, which emboldens him to
write."
The letter did not reach its intended destination,
for on the margin Rant writes : " Card. Magalotti
(to whom I writt this letter) being at Frascati, I
went to Card. Bandino ; showed it him the 17th
of June, he desired to have it by him. I did so,
and left it in his hands." It was upon the same
letter that a month or two later, Rant wrote the
remark given in the last chapter,* probably as a
note for his successor.
The incident just given was harmless compared
to the extraordinary statements which were gravely
reported to the ecclesiastical authorities as reasons
for rejecting the Institute of the English Ladies.
Of such a nature is a paper ^ which among its
charges has. some which can be traced back to Mrs.
Mary Allcock ; as that " the Generaless went about
England and Flanders in a carriage and four, giving
herself out as the unknown Princess. She gave her
blessing to the Abbess of St. Clare at Gravelines.
They prefer their Institute to all other religious
* See pp. 144, 145.
^ Vatican MSS. 6922. In the writing of Bencora, afterwards secre-
tary of the Pontifical Embassy to the Congress of Munster. It is
docketed "about 1626," but as during that year the public proceed-
ings concerning the Institute had for the time ceased, it more likely
belongs to the preceding year.
1 70 Reg,l Qtiestion not personal.
Orders, and hinder by their insinuations young ladies
from entering those for which they were destined."
But the graver accusations had another source, for
even Mrs. Allcock did not go so far as to say, that
"In England she [the Generaless] preached in a
public street before an altar," this being written at
a time when, as we know, no Catholic, whether man
or woman, could preach in a public street ! Nor
could she affirm what she knew to be false, that
"they pretend to read theology, at least moral
theology, in their young ladies' schools, in order, as
they say, that they may not be taken in by their con-
fessors," and that " the sins of pride, licentious life and
talkativeness are to be observed in them." Nor do
these charges stop here. They go on from bad to worse,
and wind up with matter too scandalous for further
repetition. Either this memorial, or one similar in its
nature, is mentioned by Mary as presented to Cardinal
Torres, Bishop of Perugia, and Cardinal Carafifa,
Nuncio at Naples, by the English clergy agent.
Here, then, there was no lack of strong charges
calculated to influence the highest authorities in the
Church in their decision of the case before them.
Their evident object was to confound the personal
question of the conduct of the English ladies,
with the question of right and of policy which was
really before the Holy See. If the question had
been merely personal, it is not possible to believe
that these charges were accepted without an oppor-
tunity being given to the persons against whose
character they were made of answering and refuting
them. The truth seems to be, that the question was
Schools closed, 171
not personal, but juridical or canonical, or at least one
of prudence. It was therefore one which was to be
decided by other considerations. The plan of Mary-
Ward was so novel in itself, it involved so many
departures from established principles and customs,
that it would certainly never have been approved at
Rome simply on the ground of the spotless character,
the unerring prudence, the conspicuous and unques-
tionable virtue of all who had worked in the Institute.
It is, therefore, not reasonable to suppose that
charges, such as those which have just been men-
tioned, would have turned the scale against Mary
and her companions. This is all the more certain, as
the ecclesiastical authorities, who were to be responsi-
ble for the decision, had before them the Institute
itself, working irreproachably under their own eyes.
The charges of her English enemies may have
availed something, inasmuch as they showed the
extreme violence of the opposition against her. But
they were not charges of a kind that would be easily
credited at Rome, The blow fell, as it seems, after
Mary's return from San Cassiano. It fell in a
manner which showed what was coming, and at the
same time that it was the Institute, rather than the
personal conduct of any of its members, which was
under sentence. The order came out that the schools
of the English Virgins in Rome were to be closed,
though the Ladies themselves were not to be driven
from the Holy City.
Her work was shattered, but Mary was in peace.
Not a remark is drawn from her as to the injunction,
and Winefrid, while telling the fact and its results and
172 Mary's submission.
writing of the heroic bearing of Mary, says only
vaguely that the school
— continued in Rome till the second year of Pope
Urban VIII. [which came to an end in August, 1625],
when His Holiness thought good to forbid it, not without
extreme moaning and complaint of the childrens' parents,
who, contrary to usual restraint (retenue) went in troops
to the Cardinal Vicar his Palace, to Donna Constanza, and
where they hoped their tears and lamentations would
bring them help and relief Meantime, the tnie servant
of Jesus Christ, having long since learned the value of
obedience, humbly submitted, and enjoyed as much peace
as if the thing had been of her procuring, and employed
much labour to appease and make both mothers and
children contented. For, contrary to the ordinary strain,
the youth frequented our schools, with joy came to them as
to a place of satisfaction and contentment, not of rigour or
force.
Had not Mary then a word or a lamentation over
what it had cost her so much to originate, and on
which her hopes had been fixed of proving to the
Holy See what the value of the Institute might be to
the Church of future years .-* Could she pull down a
work already bringing good fruit, with as much con-
tent at God's will, and hope for the future, as she had
in beginning it .■* In this silent, calm submission, it
may well be said, she was greater even than in the
patient, all-enduring toil which had gone before. Of
the grace and strength which produced this peaceful
obedience, we are about to speak presently. The fruit
which grew from them was, as it were, a pledge of a
still more eminent grace, when on a far greater occa-
Rant 's Instructions for Blacklo. 173
sion, in days of darkness and perplexity yet to come,
Mary was to glorify God in like manner.
During the remainder of the year 1625, until the
month of December, Mary's correspondence fails.
From the papers of the English clergy agent, how-
ever, we find that a systematic agitation was still
kept up against her. In September, the Rev. Thomas
Rant took his departure from Rome, leaving behind
him a list of instructions'^ for his successor, the Rev.
Thomas Blacklo, who had been appointed by Dr.
Smith, the second Bishop of Chalcedon. The 4th of
these instructions runs thus :
4. Pray His Holiness, at your second or third audience
that some effectual course may be taken, for the remedying
of this abuse, whereby our Jesuitesses' followers and
favourers in England will not believe the contrary, but
give out most assuredly that His Holiness will at last
confirm them, though now through the clamour of their
adversaries they be a little persecuted ; which report,
though it be false, yet it is sufficient to entertain life in
the vain spirits of divers young women whose portions
they fish after : and unless some public decree or
letter from the Congregation notifies the dislike and
rejection of their enterprise, they in England will not
give over to undo many, a thing much complained of.
Neither is it enough, though the Cardinals would make
them think so, that they teach no school any more ; that
their particular kind of habit is forbid them; and that
they may not live together in company; for they observe
only the first of these articles, and though these did
^ See original in the Archives of the diocese of Westminster, which
was thus originally docketed : "Instructions for Mr. Blacklo att his
arrival in Rome by Mr. R." The paper is headed : "A note of the
chiefe businesses which the agent that comes is presently to attend to."
174 Mary's Christmas Letter.
keep all three, yet the evil in England where they may
be twenty or thirty does not cease. Call often on this
business, as on all other of note, else you shall effect
nothing. See Card. Torres about it.
Although Rant remarks here that not only the
schools of the English Ladies were broken up, but
that their form of dress was forbidden them, which,
though all wore the same, was only that of devout
ladies in the world, and that they were forbidden to
live together, yet there is no evidence to show that
either of these last injunctions was laid upon them
during the year 1625. Their antagonists, however,
kept up a continuous and harassing agitation to
induce the Pope and Cardinals to proceed to extreme
measures. On December 27, Mary writes to Winefrid,
in answer to the affectionate expressions of the latter
for the Christmas festival, and perhaps also the jesting
desire that Mary should be driven from Rome by
their antagonists, or else Naples will never have the
benefit of her presence,
Dear Winn, — Double the happiness to yourself which
you wish to me, if so much, or more than " the most," can
be conferred upon any. We Romans are beholden to you !
It seems God is pleased to please you, for our adversaries
hath been very busy and have troubled themselves not a
little to trouble us much this holy time ; but methinks
these sufferings are far short, &c. Of these and such like
passages we shall shortly speak at large, for notwithstanding
your little faith I hope to keep St. Emerentiana her feast at
Naples. Vale, my Mother, Jesus be ever with you.
The letter finishes with a short postscript announc-
ing troubles at their Flanders houses, and thus the year
Mary in peace. 175
1625 ended to Mary Ward — to human eyes — in suffer-
ing as it had begun. But from the history of this
petty wearisome contest of a twelvemonth, which we
have been endeavouring to disentangle, against a few
•devoted women for the destruction of their work, it is
refreshing to turn to a more genial atmosphere. It
was the Holy Year — and we have to carry our readers
to the churches of Rome, where the interior history
of the holy soul whose steps we are following is to be
unfolded. Fragrance and peace are shed around as
we enter. The delicious contrast between the silence
and cool shade in these blessed sanctuaries, with their
brilliant altars, where our Lord is revealing Himself
for the adoration of His children, and the burning
glare and noise of the streets without, may well be
typical of the contrast between the stormy clamours
of evil words and perverse misrepresentations which
we have just left, and the peace to be found in the
sanctuary of that heart where our Lord and His Holy
Will were reigning supreme. It is here we may ex-
pect to find the key to the magnanimity, the perse-
verance, the unvarying patience with which she, who
had to bear the brunt of the battle, had pressed for-
ward on the way, content to endure all and leave the
issue to the over-ruling hand of God, whether for
success or the contrary. The waters might rage and
swell, it mattered not, the peace of that soul was
unbroken.
It was the Holy Year, the great Jubilee, which
Urban VIII. was privileged thus early in his Pontifi-
cate to announce to Christendom — one of those
favoured times of more abundant grace intended to
1 76 opening of the Jubilee.
be, to all the faithful, as oases with healing waters in
the midst of the hot feverish life of each century.
Rome was full of strangers of every rank, who came
in crowds from all countries, and were to be seen
worshipping in the churches day after day, to obtain
the promised Indulgence. Cardinal Mellino had
opened the Porta Santa'' in the Basilica of Santa
Maria Maggiore. It may well be believed that Mary
Ward and the rest of the English Virgins were not
absent on that occasion. We have heard of the
former passing the Christmas night of the former
year in the same church, and it will be found in a
later page, how in their time of trouble and abase-
ment the ancient Basilica became, as it were, their
second home, at whose altars they took and renewed
their holy vows, placing themselves, before St. Luke's
picture, under the patronage of Our Lady ad Nives?
But for Mary Ward herself the festive ceremonial of
this great Christmas Eve, the opening of the year of
Jubilee, was the first of a long series of communings
with God, in which she drank deeply from the one
great Fountain of light and strength, receiving from
^ The Pope opens the Porta Santa at St. Peter's in the year of
universal Jubilee, and the other three, equally kept closed during the
intervening years, at the Basilicas of St. John Lateran, Sta. Maria
Maggiore, and St. Paul without the walls, are opened by Cardinals.
® The Basilica contains the miraculous picture said to be painted by
St. Luke, in the Capella Borghese built for it by Paul V. It was this
picture which was carried in procession by St. Gregory the Great from
Sta. Maria Maggiore to St. Peter's, when the plague was thus staid, and
when Gregory heard the angels singing the Regina Cccli in Heaven as
it passed along. Before ancient copies of this picture, brought in former
days from Rome, the nuns of the Institute, in the older houses, still
renew their daily consecration of themselves to our Blessed Lady.
The Qnarajtf Ore. 177
above the wisdom and courage by which she was
enabled to do her part in the weary struggle we have
been considering. It was indeed with this purpose that
she determined to offer up all the devotions of the Holy
Year, and to make it one of more special approach
and supplication to Almighty God for obtaining light
and counsel. " She made the resolution to go every
day for a year to the devotions of the Quarant' Ore in
Rome, and kept it without missing once, receiving
great light during this time." Wc may trace in what
resulted the tender care and goodness of her Father
in Heaven towards His much-tried servant, in the
overflowing grace and assistance vouchsafed her
during the most critical moments of this eventful
year. " Who ever trusted in God and was con-
founded .? "
It is to the Painted Life that we owe this know-
ledge, through dates given in the inscriptions on the
pictures, which portray Mary in prayer before the
Blessed Sacrament in the churches in Rome. Between
the 6th April, when she writes of " the hot businesses
between her and the Cardinals since Monday in Holy
Week," and the 19th of April, when she begins to
believe she will not be driven in disgrace from Rome,
Mary was praying during the hours of Exposition in
the church of Sta. Maria dell'Orto.^ The time which
she spent there is thus described. As Mary knelt
before the altar, on April 11, 1625, she was so
absorbed in the Divine love that she was carried
^ So called from a miraculous picture of our Lady, which was
painted on a garden wall, and which is now over the altar of this
church.
M 2 -
178 Mary at Sta. Maria dell' Or to.
wholly out of herself in ecstasy, and, reposing in God
alone, a clear sight was given to her of her own utter
nothingness, and that God is All, Brilliant rays
streamed visibly from the Blessed Sacrament upon her
face, and for a considerable time she was deprived of
her bodily eyesight in consequence. She passed many
hours in this state of ecstasy and union with God, her
•countenance bearing a heavenly expression, and her
sight and bodily strength were afterwards only re-
stored with great difficulty.
How peacefully could Mary await even the
censures and chastisement of the highest ecclesias-
tical tribunal, when strengthened by infused light
from above to see and feel the might of God's
Omnipotent Love, with the consciousness of His
arms around her, upholding her nothingness ! She
had but to lie still in trust and confidence. With
what serenity and peace did she shortly after fulfil
the obedience laid on her by the Holy See, of dis-
missing her schools in Rome, an act in which the
misrepresentation of ignorant enemies had, at least,
some part. Nor was the costly yet willing sacrifice
unnoted by the Eye which watches all. The reward
quickly followed — one of those marvellous graces of
the Sacred Heart which our Lord ordinarily reserves
for His saints only, while visiting them with the
occasion for its exercise — the perfect power not only
of forgiving those who had so seriously injured
her, but of expending upon them a charity so abun-
dant that it was in consequence said of her by those
who knew her well in after times, that " it was better
to be her enemy than her friend." " On the 26th of
In other Churches. 179
June of this year Mary received in the Church of St.
Eligius at Rome, before the Blessed Sacrament, such
light and perception from God concerning the for-
giveness of enemies, that she thereby acquired towards
them a tone so tender as constantly to speak of them
as the friends and purchasers of her heavenly reward."
, Hence the origin of the term " Jerusalem," given by
the English Ladies in common parlance among them-
selves, to all those who were troubling and injuring
them.
Another favour which possibly preceded both the
above, the date of the year 1625 alone being given,
may have belonged to the time when Mary was
suffering both publicly and privately from the con-
sequences of the defalcations at Liege, while finding
herself without a defender to maintain her cause
before the Cardinals, the object of injurious accu-
sations abroad, and enduring the crippling straits of
poverty at home. Once more we see the source of the
uncomplaining and heroic content with which all was
borne by the servant of God ; no suffering, either
mental or bodily, whether it affected others or her-
self most nearly, having the power to extract one
murmuring word or craving expression of sympathy,
even of those whose share in the bitter cup she felt
more deeply than her own. "As Mary in the year
1625, poured forth her prayers before her God, Who
lay hidden in the Blessed Sacrament, in the church of
San Geronimo della Carita, humbly entreating Him
to enable her to discern how she should most profit-
ably bear sufferings, she interiorly but quite plainly
was given to understand, that if she took pleasure
1 8o Spiritual favours.
in them, she thus would bring Ilim the greatest
content."
Nor were the gifts of God during this season alone
confined to the adornment of Mary's soul with rich
graces of light and love. He instructed her also as
to her companions and the future of the Institute, for
which she was consuming herself And first He .
delighted again to show her something of His Might
and Majesty in contrast with the nonentity of all that
is created, giving her thence at the same time a large
increase of confidence and strength in Him. On her
journey to San Cassiano, the only one she took in the
year 1625 — -one entered upon amidst bodily illness
and the pressure of anxiety — while thus manifesting
Himself to her soul, God permitted her to see the
immense value and beauty of the religious state to
which she had been called. " As she performed her
devotions upon the journey, it was given to her clearly
to discern the excellence of the religious state, and
that its strength should consist not in temporal power^
but in Him alone, before Whose greatness she saw all
the power of creatures melt away and in a moment
become annihilated." Nor was this all. Mary was
praying, soon after the destruction of the schools,
before the Blessed Sacrament, on the ist of August,,
the feast of St. Peter ad Vincula, probably in the old
Basilica, so dedicated, the chain of the holy Apostle
being exposed there for veneration every year on that
day. " Most fervently was she commending the
Institute to God," and once more we have the
record of our Lord's condescending love in explaining
to her, as it were, the insignificance and futility of all
Intercessory Prayer. ^ i8i
the vexatious opposition and contempt she, and those
connected with her by a common suffering for Him,
had experienced, drawing them all to lean on Him
alone as their Defender and Protector, and thus en-
gaging Himself to take their part and fight in their
cause. He poured consolation into her heart by
telling her that " the prosperity, progress, and security
of the Institute did not consist in riches, great position
and the favour of princes, but in the free recourse of
all its members to God, from Whom all strength,
light, and protection should come." "This grace,"
adds Winefrid, who also writes of it, " filled her soul
with extraordinary light and with an immense in-
crease of contempt for all which the world calls great
and exalted."
Mary doubtless communicated to her faithful
children the knowledge of these interior favours from
God for their consolation and profit, and it is by them
that they were recorded for the sake of future mem-
bers of the Institute, and for the honour of their
Mother. In the same spirit they tell us of another
manifestation of God's goodness towards her of which
they were themselves the witnesses, in the power of
intercessory prayer which He had bestowed upon
her. This instance may with propriety be referred to
the year of Mary's special devotions during the
Quarant' Ore, as no date is specified, except that of the
feast of our Lady of the Rosary (the 7th of October).
" In Rome, Doctor Alphonso Ferro, in a violent fever
and other accidents which deprived him wholly of all
sleep, which he had suffered three nights together, our
dear Mother visiting him and finding him in this case,
1 82 Cure of Dr. Ferro.
took her leave and went directly thence to the church
called Madonna della Scala^** (where the Quarant'
Ore was) and she applied herself with great instance
to beg this man's health ; and as a motive to incline
our Blessed Lady to grant her petition, she added,
' Give him my sleep. I will be content to want it'
After some two hours of prayer, in her way home we
asked her (her humility and charity permitting us) ' if
she had hopes he would recover ? ' She answered,
* Yes, for she had found access, and had importuned so
and so ; ' which was found to have had the effect, for
he, within an hour after her leaving him, fell asleep,
which sleep lasted three or four hours, in which he
dreamed that he saw our Mother kneeling before our
Blessed Lady of the Rosary (which feast was kept
that day) begging instantly his health, and in par-
ticular that he might sleep, on which condition she
offered to give him her own rest, at which he cried
out, * O, Signora ! Oh ! what charity ! ' which words
he uttered so distinctly as that his wife and all in the
chamber heard him, and thought he had been awake
but found he was asleep. When awaking, in a manner
out of himself for joy, he began to say, * I am cured,
I am cured, I have no more headache, no more fever,
no more drought' And so it was."
1" The Carmelite church of the monastery where P'ather Domenico-
di Gesu usually resided when in Rome.
Notes to Book V. 183
NOTES TO BOOK V.
Note I. — Memorial of the English Clergy to the Holy See,
Translated from the Latin. A copy is in the Archives of
the diocese of Westminster, vol. xvi. p. 201 (page 44).
A copy of the infortnation concernitig the fesuitresses, made by
the Very Rev. William Harrison, Archpriest of England,
lately deceased, and subscribed by his Assistants after his
death.
Though the Catholic faith has been propagated hitherto in
no other way than by apostolic men of approved virtue and
constancy, yet lately there has sprung forth out of our nation a
certain society of women, by religious institution (as it pretends),
which professes to be devoted to the conversion of England, no-
otherwise than as priests themselves who are destined to this-
end by apostolic authority. The beginnings of this Institute-
had been received with contempt by many persons as something
new and previously unheard of by the Christian world, insomuch
that all the wisest thought that such vain designs of weak
women, supported by no ecclesiastical authority, would imme-
diately come to nought. Yet it made such progress in a very
few years, that its disciples have come together into England
in great numbers. Wherefore I have deemed it necessary to
make the Apostolic See better acquainted with a matter of such
moment as this deservedly ought to be considered, since the-
duty of my office requires me not only to provide that no injury
be done to the clergy, but also to beware lest the Catholic
religion from another source suffer detriment.
These women, who do not fear to meddle with the conver-
sion of England, and to undertake and attempt a business the
most difficult of all, are commonly called Jesuitresses, because
they live according to the rule and institute of the Jesuit
Fathers, and under their government and discipline : although
some persons attach to them many other ridiculous appellations
or names in mockery of so incongruous an Institute. This
Institute derived its beginning from a woman named Mary
184 Notes to Book V.
Ward, who first thought of monastic life under the habit and
profession of the Nuns of St. Clare ; admitted to probation
among them, she remained only a few months there, but
changed her habit and returned to the world, and thenceforward
directed her mind to planning a new religious order. Therefore
gathering to herself many young women, she established a
College in which she ordained all things to the imitation and
pattern of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, exercising her
disciples first in a novitiate of two years' probation, then ad-
mitting them to make their simple vows, after the custom of
the Society, and then instructing each in the Latin language,
training them to hold exhortation publicly, to engage in con-
versations privately with externs, manage families, and other
things of that kind, and then preparing and fitting the more
approved for the English Mission, which is especially the end
of their Institute. This, as far as I can understand, is the
economy of that religious society, and if it confined itself within
its cells and own walls, like other religious families, it would
perhaps deserve much praise ; but when it professes the offices
of the Apostolic function, travels freely hither and thither,
changes its ground and habit at will, accommodates itself to
the manners and condition of seculars, discharges the adminis-
tration of others' families, in fact, does anything under the
pretext of exercising charity to neighbours, and yet wishes to
be numbered amongst religious families, and for such proclaims
itself everywhere, it is certainly exposed to the censures and
opposition of many pious men, particularly as they are con-
vinced that an Institute of this sort can by no means be
approved by the Apostolic See, when they consider the decrees
of Supreme Pontiff's, both before and after the Council of Trent,
and the heresies advancing in the Christian world. I think, in-
deed, and my assistants together with me (to say nothing of our
priests generally, of regulars, and of almost all Catholics, living
in England and abroad), that the aforesaid Institute of Jesuit-
resses of our country can never have been known to the Supreme
Pontiff, Paul V., under whose Pontificate it begun, or if it had
been known it would never have been approved by the same,
on account of the very many inconveniences which would thence
result to the Catholic Church. The following reasons move me
to believe this.
Memorial of the English Clergy. 1 85
I. That it was never heard in the Church of God, that
women, and they young such as these are, should discharge the
apostolic office.
II. That such an Institute seems to be directly opposed to
the decrees of the Council of Trent, and the decrees of the
Supreme Pontiffs, before and after the Council of Trent.
III. The aforesaid presume and arrogate to themselves
authority to speak about spiritual things before grave men, and
even sometimes when priests are present, to hold exhortation in
an assembly of Catholics and to usurp ecclesiastical offices of
that kind, as is manifest by daily custom.
IV. It is reasonably to be feared, if the reins be slackened
in this way to these women, that they will break out into
various errors from want of sound and solid judgment, and
be found to be sowers of false doctrines among the poor people.
V. These Jesuitresses have a habit of frequently going about
cities and provinces of the kingdom, insinuating themselves
into houses of noble Catholics, changing their habit often, some-
times travelling like some ladies of first consequence, in coaches
or carriages with a respectable suite, sometimes, on the con-
trary, like common servants or women of lower rank, alone and
private. But any one will easily see how dangerous it is, and
occasionary of many scandals, that women should go about
houses in this fashion, wander hither and thither, at will, and
according to the various fancies whereby they are led (as the
Apostle observes about such like),^ now publicly, now privately,
now in noble dress, now in poor, now in cities, now in provinces,
now many together, now alone, among men, seculars, and not
seldom of bad morals. To these things I add, that it is custo-
mary with them to send over from Belgium to England, and
from England back to Belgium, for any cause that arises, and
thus going and returning to expose female modesty to the
reproaches of many persons.
VI. They are a great shame and disgrace to the Catholic
religion, so much that not only heretics (for whom these women
occasion many jokes in public declamations) calumniate the
Catholic faith on this account, as if it could not be supported or
propagated otherwise than by idle and garrulous women, but
they have a very bad reputation even amongst the most influen-
^ 2 Tim. iii.
1 86 Notes to Book V.
tial Catholics (by whom their disciples, in familiar speech, are
called, sometimes Galloping Girls, because they ride hither and
thither, sometimes Apostolicce Viragities). Besides, they are
found to manifest such garrulity and loquacity in words, and to
display such boldness and rashness in common intercourse, that
they are for the most part not only a scorn but a great scandal
too to many pious people, when they see that many things are
done and said by them both unbecoming to their sex and
untimely and inconvenient to the Catholic religion, labouring in
the midst of heresies. So to them the Apostolic taunt seems
exactly to apply : " Idle women learn to run about houses, not
only idle, but wordy and curious, speaking what they ought
not." 2
VII. Some of these Jesuitresses, behaving publicly in this
way, are observed to have a very bad character, and are very
much talked about for petulance and indecorum, with very
great scandal and disgrace to the Catholic religion. All these
things duly considered, we have reason to wonder what the
Fathers of the Society mean, when they assert themselves to be
moderators, patrons, and defenders of these women, whilst all
other regulars, priests, and the laity themselves protest, and
condemn an Institute of this kind as liable to very many
dangers and scandals. For it is clear enough that the Jesuit
Fathers are expressly forbidden by the precepts of their own
rule to involve themselves or meddle with the government of
any women whatsoever ; and yet the Jesuitresses so make use
of them alone in the administration of their whole life and of
their affairs, both in and out of England, that it seems to them
a penance to admit any other priest but a Jesuit even to receive
the secrets of their conscience in the Sacrament of Penance.
To these things may be added that the nuns of our nation,
holily living in monastic discipline at Louvain and Gravelines
in Belgium, have often complained that many noble virgins
passing over from England, with the intention of entering their
monasteries and devoting themselves to religious life, have been
craftily led away to their Institute as to a rule of greater or
certainly not less perfection.
But these things will suffice to characterize the Institute and
mode of life of the Jesuitresses, It will be for His Holiness ta
• X Tim, V.
Letter of Ferdinand of Bavaria. 187
determine about them what shall seem good to the Holy See
and to himself.
John Colleton, acting in place of the
Archpriest of England.
John Michell, Joseph Harvey,
John Bosvile, Roger Strickland,
Edward Bennett, Richard Button,
CUTHBERT TROLOPPE, HUMFREY HANMER,
John Jackson, Assistants.
Note II. — Letter of Ferdinand of Bavaria, Prince-Bishop of
Liege, etc. (page i lo).
Ferdinand, by the favour of God and the Apostolic See,
Archbishop of Cologne, etc., to all who shall see, read, and
likewise hear read these presents, eternal salvation in the Lord.
The pastoral care, and solicitude for our neighbour, which is
incumbent on us who sit at the helm of the Christian State,
particularly obliging us to promote the honour and glory of
God, has bound us even more strictly, and compelled us to help
and to take into the protection and guardianship of our Fatherly
charity those who devote themselves wholly, by their profession
and way of living, to so pious and holy a work. Taught there-
fore by the mistress of events, experience sufiticiently lasting
and long, how much of utility and spiritual fruit has resulted to
ths Church of God, and our city, and the State of Liege, and by
Divine grace may redound even more abundantly to the same,
from the Christian teaching of the noble English Virgins,
brought by them into our said State of Liege, and disseminated
to the greater glory of God, edification of their neighbour, as
well ecclesiastical as secular, instruction of young ladies and of
female youth (according to the capacity of their sex, and the
measure of the grace of God which works in them) in the
rudiments of the Cathohc faith, and education of the same in
very many praiseworthy and holy habits of piety and modesty,
and other like seeds of Christian virtues : which girls, so
educated by their holy teachings and examples, and brought up
in the fear of God, may, when they shall be more advanced in
age, serve the Church with greater integrity, more readily
devoting themselves to religion, if they be called to this, or if
otherwise, live even in the world with greater modesty and
1 88 Notes to Book V.
politeness ; but the English youth especially, brought out of the
thickest darkness of heresy to the light of the Catholic faith,
imbued by them with the fear of God, and founded on the firm
and steadfast rock of our holy Mother, the Church Catholic,
Apostolic, and Roman (which is a good supreme and of ines-
timable value), which in its own time also may carry the seeds
of their education with the greatest fruit, into their native lands
infected with heretical corruption, and plant them, and so by
degrees bring back the same into the bosom of our holy mother,
the Church. Moved, I say, by reasons so holy and encouraged
by sure hope, relying moreover on the honourable commenda-
tions (which we have seen, read, and carefully examined) of the
Most Reverend Lord Bishop of St. Omer — who himself has
taken the same into his protection and has most fully com-
mended to us their holiness of life and integrity of morals —
confirmed too by the authority of other ecclesiastical prelates ;
but more on the anticipation of the great utility, fruit and
benefit, which may result to the Church of God from their
exemplary life. Institute more than praiseworthy, pious course of
living, and rule adorned and resplendent with every kind of
Christian virtues ; considering besides and regarding the Insti-
tute of these Virgins as predestined by a particular Providence
of God to the conversion of England, alas ! altogether lost and
depraved, that what a woman has destroyed by woman may be
restored, and wishing, according to the grace that is given to
us, to concur to so holy and salutary a work, and to be partaker
of so great a good ; we have taken the same noble English
Virgins and ladies, as by the tenor of these presents we take
them, into our protection and peculiar guardianship, that they
may more easily attain their end (which is to seek the greater
glory of God, and the more abundant salvation of their neigh-
bour), and may run more swiftly and fervently to the prize of
their holy calling, considering also all and singular those who
have joined themselves to their community and body to live
together with them, the same all and singular, will be and are in
our guardianship, until they shall have obtained from the Holy
Apostolic See, as the Holy Spirit shall dictate, the confirmation
of their Institute ; willing seriously that they be accounted,
until and as far as they shall be confirmed by the said Holy
See as religious and ecclesiastical persons, as from their pious
Letter of the Apostolic Nuncio. 189
course of living, and holy rules, we judge, say, and declare the
game to be religious and ecclesiastical persons. And to this end
we endow the same, and will that they be endowed and adorned,
with all favours, privileges, and gifts which ecclesiastics, clerics,
and religious in our diocese use and enjoy, considering and
judging their Institute and pious way of living as ecclesiastical,
and willing that there be the same opinion of them in all and
singular subjects of our diocese and country, we enjoin and
seriously command by the tenor of the presents, that no one
think or judge otherwise of them. But on the contrarj^, let
them hold and repute them as ecclesiastical virgins, and sacred
to God, without any contradiction or tergiversation, and allow
them to enjoy peaceably all favours, privileges, and gifts, which
persons ecclesiastical and sacred are wont to enjoy. Whoever
shall do otherwise will certainly incur our indignation, and let
him know that he will be amerced, and severely punished by
ecclesiastical censures and fines to be irremissibly devoted to
pious works. For this is our serious will. In faith, force, and
testimony of all which promises we have caused and com-
manded these presents to be confirmed and sealed by the
proper hand of our Vicar General in spirituals and the seal
which we use in like matters.
Given in our city of Liege, above noted, in the year of
human reparation, 1624, the 5th day of the month of March.
Letter of the Apostolic Ninicio.
June 28, 1624.
Peter Francis, by the favour of God and the Apostolic See,
Bishop of Neufchatel and Nuntius, with power of Legatus a
latere of the most Serene Father in Christ, and our Lord Pope
Urban VIII., and of the aforesaid See, to the people of Cologne,
the Rhine, and other parts of Lower Germany, to all and
singular who shall see the presents our letters, salvation in the
Lord.
The duty of the office committed to us by our Most Holy
Lord the Pope requires that we should give testimony of the
truth of those things, by which we have known that wise
virgins, under the sweet yoke of religion, in the purity of vir-
ginity, from the spirit of humility, serving Almighty God,
produce fruits of honesty and modesty, and propagate the Cath-
I go Notes to Book V.
olic religion. Therefore we make known and attest, to all and
singular whom it concerns, that the noble virgins, beloved by us
in Christ, of the English nation, in the city of Li^ge, having
despised the allurements of this unhappy world, living under a
form of regular discipline, after the model of an approved rule,
kindly receive other virgins also and girls, coming to them from
English parts, and from other provinces infected by heresies
and schismatic principles, diligently and praiseworthily endea-
vour to instruct them religiously in good arts, and singing the
Divine praises, and sincere piety, with very great increase of
the Catholic religion and Divine worship, edification of the
people, and salvation of souls, as many times we have seen and
observed before those who are present here in Liege. In faith
whereof we have subscribed the presents with our hand and
commanded them to be confirmed with our seal.
Given at Li^ge, at St. James, the 28th of June of the year
1624, the first year of the aforesaid Pontiff.
Peter Francis, Bishop of Neufchatel, Nuntius.
THE LIFE OF MARY WARD.
BOOK THE SIXTH.
THE INSTITUTE IN GERMANY,
CHAPTER I.
Through the Tyrol to Mimich.
1626.
There is good reason to believe that Mary Ward
fulfilled her intention of keeping her forty-first birth-
day at Naples, that is, the feast of St. Emerentiana,
January 23, 1626. But an entire blank occurs as to
the first nine months of the year, not only in Mary's
correspondence, but also in Winefrid's manuscript
biography. The absence of Mary's letters is partly
accounted for. Winefrid, the zealous preserver of
every little record of her beloved Mother and friend,
enjoyed the happiness of being present with her
during the earlier half of the twelvemonth. The
reasons for her own silence concerning Mary's resi-
dence at this prosperous foundation are not so appa-
rent. A little further information as to the daily course
of community life and the progress made at Naples
might well have occupied a few of her pages. It
would have been agreeable to hear something through
her pen of the glad meeting between the two friends,
of that of Mary with the " signoras " of the city, and
of the graver interviews with the Viceroy, the Nuncio,
and the holy Archbishop, of the Neapolitan scholars
and their teachers, of Winefrid herself, and her direc-
tion of her novices — for she was Novice Mistress in
N 2
194 Marys generosity.
those days — and whether the well-dowered Italian
ladies contented her at last, as well in spiritual as in
temporal matters, besides minor subjects of curiosity,
such as what " Mother Shelley was working " at so
hard " for St. Francis Xavier," and many such details.
One incident alone is left of Mary's visit to
Naples, and this only as an illustrative trait of the
exalted generosity of her character. Through this
incident we find that God was raising up means to
relieve Mary of the heavy pressure of poverty and
consequent anxiety, at least as far as the Naples
community was concerned. Such a sum as one
thousand crowns in prospect was riches when com-
pared to the condition of the Roman House. In
whatever shape the money was due, it became to
Mary the occasion of a noble deed of charity towards
lier neighbour. Well indeed had she profited by the
lessons of compassion towards others which God had
taught her through her own difficulties !
There was a merchant in Naples like to break up,
owing her a thousand crowns. A priest and religious man,
to whose Order the said merchant owed a lesser sum by
far, persuaded her as chief creditor to arrest him, which
done, all the rest had power to set upon him. She replied,
" It will be his undoing, and consequently his family." To
which he replied, " It was against prudence to delay longer,
and she would lose all." "And against charity," she
answered, " to ruin a poor family ; " and " she did pray
God to bless her from that prudence which did prejudice
charity." And this she said with a horror, as not conceiving
how one could be saved by other way, and God gave her
the consolation to see good effects of her charitable
patience.
Charity before Prudence. 195
Winefrid adds the principles upon which Mary
acted herself, and had laid them down to her Sisters.
She gave it as a rule to us, that " charity should precede
and prudence follow, for human prudence and charity could
hardly go together;" and that "the greatest number of men
•did very much abuse themselves in doing as for courtesy
what was highest duty." That " we were bound to give our
lives for our neighbours' souls and our goods for their lives,
and not our superfluities, but what may touch us."
A letter of Mary's written in July, 1626, from
Rome, shows that she had gone back there some time
early in the summer, having doubtless performed both
journeys on foot. The four months after her return,
for which Mary remained in the city, were passed by
her in conducting the affairs of the distant Houses of
the Institute, and in quietly watching the progress of
events, and considering how next she could best
labour and suffer. Her visits to the churches of Rome
were renewed, and it was in one of these, during the
hours of fervent supplication spent before the taber-
nacle, that some interior prevision of the future was
again opened to her, and she was permitted in a
measure to see what the good Providence of God
was preparing for herself and the Institute. Shall we
call it the cross, in the common acceptation of the
term in the lives of ordinary Christians, which was
laid before her for her acceptance 1 It was, in truth,
something far beyond, from which her human nature
might well shrink in terror, when recalling what the
past had already been. But to shrink in terror was a
thing unknown to Mary Ward, either in soul or body.
196 Prevision of suffering.
On the contrary, we hear only of joy at the sight
then granted her.
She was praying for the Institute in the Church
of St. Mark in Rome, when "Almighty God im-
pressed upon her mind the words of our Lord, ' Can
you drink of the chalice that I shall drink .-* ' and
immediately showed to her the great contradictions,
persecutions, and distresses which she should endure
in the fulfilment of His holy will concerning it." And
how did Mary respond to the loving crucifying inten-
tions of her God .-* " She with joy offered herself to
bear all." Mary had doubtless been praying for
guidance as to her next step forwards, for it was not
in her to stand still, when once the will of God
should be made plain to her. Her confidence that
she was doing that will, in the struggle she was
passing through, was now redoubled.
But there was nothing to be accomplished in
Rome, and Mary's thoughts turned wistfully towards
England and Flanders, and perhaps to other countries
also, whence she might bring forward the effective
co-operation of which she had already found so great
a need, for a future application to the Holy See. And
always with the thought of England must have arisen
vivid conceptions of what those belonging to her by
the bond of holy religion were enduring in a land
where all was against them, though their own accord-
ing to all the ties of flesh and blood. Her presence
would comfort them, and put fresh life into their
exertions, besides keeping in check their opposers.
Mary resolved then on visiting these distant Houses.
There sprang from this decision another, not only
.^i
RoiUe towards England. 197
•carrying with it most important results in the future
to Mary herself and the Institute which she held
so dear, but involving the welfare of souls with-
out number, who were to add glory to her heavenly
crown to all eternity. She had accepted in all its
fulness the chalice of bitter drops, and as the joy of
sacrifice rose in her heart, already that crown of
many rays was weaving for her above.
It was not from motives of prudence, to avoid the
dangers and inconveniences of travelling through a
country agitated with Huguenot seditions, that Mary
decided on making her way to England through
Germany rather than France. There was little to
choose between the two routes, which could make the
one a greater matter of safety or ease, and that by
Germany was by far the longest, and little known to
English travellers. If Huguenot troubles disturbed
France, the Protestant Grisons, where persecution of
Catholics had lately been rife, had to be passed to
reach Bavaria, and war was scarcely over in the north
of Italy. Besides, the Thirty Years' War was akeady
raging in Germany, and though it had not extended
as yet far east, Mary could scarcely hope to reach
Cologne, one of her intended destinations, so as to
escape its effects in districts in the neighbourhood of
which lay Tilly and his opponents, the Danes and
their Protestant German allies. That Almighty God
was guiding her in her choice, the future was amply
to prove.
The human motive, if so it may be called, which
prompted her choice, was found on all which she
had learned of the state of religion in Germany, and
198 New field for ivork.
the news brought to Rome of the fearful struggle
for the faith in which the Catholics were engaged
with the Protestants. The Catholic sovereigns were
ready to risk all for the maintenance of the true
religion, and among them Maximilian I. of Bavaria
had long been numbered as pre-eminent. His devo-
tion and that of all his family to the Holy See was
well known at Rome, and his influence there propor-
tionate. All that could nourish and strengthen the
faith of his subjects would most surely find favour in
his eyes and those of his pious wife, the Electress
Elisabeth. Their welfare was dear to both, and Mary
could not but see a field among them and in the
more liberal minds of the German people, as she
already knew them, for the labours and extension of
the Institute, by which God could be abundantly
glorified. She had seen the munificence of Maxi-
milian towards religious foundations while in Flan-
ders. With him as her pleader at Rome on her return,
all might be obtained. Such, in the purposes of God,
might be the means by which the approval of the
Vicar of Christ was to be won, for Rome and the
blessing of the Church were still the final goal which
were always present to her mind. If these thoughts
came from God He would open the way before her.
We know not with whom Mary advised concern-
ing this new phase in her plans. The influence of the
saintly Father Domenico di Gesu may be traced in
the ready attention granted to her, as w^e shall find,,
by various Princes, and perhaps also in her more
intimate knowledge of the characters of the Elector
Maximilian and the Emperor Ferdinand, who held
Recommendatory Letters. 199
him in the highest estimation. He was absent, how-
ever, from Rome when Mary came back from Naples,
and was only in the city for a short time before her
journey. But she was acting on no sudden impulse,
nor would she fail of securing wise and prudent
counsel from this holy man, whether she consulted
him before forming her plans, or in carrying them
out. Besides recommendatory letters from him, she
obtained others also from those friendly to her among
the Cardinals and most distinguished persons in
Rome, which might be of service to her on the
road.
One or two of these letters remain, among them
one from Cardinal Trescio, and one from Father
General Mutius Vitelleschi. The former was written
in October, 1626. The Cardinal speaks in this letter
not only of his own knowledge of the holy life and
good works of Mary and her companions, he says
they had won the good opinion of all, and mentions
the praise he had often heard them receive from the
mouths of Pope Urban and Cardinal Mellino and
others. The Father General's letter, which also
spoke in high terms of Mary, will be mentioned
at a later time. For some weeks previous to her
journey, Mary had been writing to Naples of her
intentions. In one letter in September, she speaks to
Winefrid of her sister Ellen Wigmore, whom she was
to see in England : " I will in all ways make arrange^
ments to help this dear sister of yours and to
encourage her, because on your account I love and
esteem her greatly." In another, Mary tells her that
partly for this sister's sake she is taking Winefrid's
200 Audiences with Princes.
cousin, Mary Poyntz, to travel with her, "among
other reasons because I truly love your sister."
Besides Mary Poyntz, Mary chose Mother Elisa-
beth Cotton and a lay-sister to accompany her on her
journey, and with them travelled their usual faithful
escort, the Rev. Henry Lee, and Robert Wright. It
was late in the year ere they left Rome, but none the
less, as long as their road lay through Italy, they
proceeded on foot, with what travelling equipage, and
what amount of money in their purse, can well be
imagined. They started on this the most remarkable
of Mary Ward's remarkable journeys, on the loth of
November, the eve of St. Martin. Their first halting-
place was Florence. And here she at once began to
make use of the letters of introduction which had been
obtained by her to the sovereigns and royal and
distinguished personages with whom she would have
to deal, or in whose neighbourhood her intended
route would bring her. Mary did this with a fixed
purpose in view. It was her intention to bring the
Institute, its principles and labours, before the notice
of the authorities in Church and State wherever an
opening presented itself. The alarming spread of the
new doctrines was already causing the more enlight-
ened among them to look more or less favourably on
whatever would increase or foster in their dependants
a fidelity to the true faith. The more the Institute
and its designs were known and examined into, the
more would its fitness for such an end be appreciated.
With such a motive before her, Mary Ward would
not spare herself any one of the labours and mortifi-
cations usually attendant upon seeking audiences with
The Court of Tuscany. 201
those of high degree. At the head of a small party
of almost indigent travellers, arriving on foot, poorly-
clad, at what was probably one of the poorest inns of
the place, with no array of baggage beyond what
each carried for themselves, and content with the
most ordinary and even scanty food and accommo-
dation, no false shame prevented her from pursuing
the plan she had laid down. And our Lord accepted
her self-devotion, for in every instance the doors of
palaces, and the private rooms of the exalted person-
ages she sought were thrown open to her without
delay, and she was welcomed with warmth and with
every honour and consideration.
Thus it fell out at the little Court of Florence,
which held itself so proudly in that century among
those of the greater sovereigns of Europe. The
Grand Duchess of Tuscany was then a pious Princess
of the House of Austria, the Archduchess Mary
Magdalene, sister of the Emperor Ferdinand II. The
mother of the reigning Grand Duke, Catharine of
Lorraine, was an equally pious woman, whose sister
was the Electress Elisabeth, wife of Maximilian L
In this double connection can be seen reasons addi-
tional to those above named, inducing Mary to stop
in Florence for the purpose of seeking interviews with
these illustrious Princesses. Father Domenico's word
was all powerful with both of them. He had restored
the Grand Duke Cosmo II. de Medicis to health, who
in gratitude founded Houses of his Order in his
dominions. The Archduchess Mary Magdalene knew
him in Austria. She hastened to show Mary Ward,
as his friend, every attention in the power of a sove-
202 The Duchess of Parma.
reign princess, extending to "exceeding great favours.'^
Among these was reckoned, the opening of the mira-
culous picture^ of the Annunciation kept in the church
of the Servite Fathers, a silver shrine of our Lady,
said to have been finished by an angel, kept on a rich
silver altar adorned with jewels, and only exhibited
for veneration to royal visitors, and on occasions of
public need of the city, and then with great
solemnity.
In Parma again, where, after crossing the Appe-
nines, the travellers took a short repose, Mary Ward
experienced a like gracious reception from the ruling
sovereign, at that time the widowed Duchess, who
was Regent for her young son. To Father Domenico
this Princess also owed a debt of gratitude. A few
months only had passed since he had been in Parma
at her request, when he had been the means of
settling some painful family feuds, which had threat-
ened serious consequences with regard to herself. He
may even then have brought Mary Ward and her
designs to her notice, and spoken of her virtues and
holiness. Here again we hear of the veneration and
respect with which she was welcomed on her arrival,
and how the good Duchess insisted on Mary's
giving her blessing before her departure to her two
young daughters and her little son Don Francesco,
afterwards the last Cardinal of the House of Farnese.
We hear of one other halting-place of a like nature
with the preceding — the Castle of CastigHone, be-
^ It was before this picture that Father Domenico di Gesii fell into
a long ecstasy, in which was revealed to him the future history of the
House of Medici, its adversities as well as its prosperity.
Milan. 205
longing to the noble family of Piccolomini, among the
mountains not far from Siena. One of this family,
to whom Mary was also to be introduced, was at
that time Archbishop of Siena. His brother, Mar-
shal Piccolomini, was a celebrated general of Fer-
dinand II., and a few years later we shall hear of
Mary as indebted, on another of her long and painful
journeys, to his courtesies when he was in the camp.
And now the rich plains of Lombardy were
reached, where many a sign began to warn the travel-
lers of the rapidly approaching winter. The magnifi-
cent shrine of the dear " Saint of Humility," whom
Mary Ward so greatly loved and reverenced was to be
their next point of rest. Mary was intending especially
to enlist his intercession in her behalf, before starting on
the new and perilous enterprise which she had already
laid at the foot of the Cross, whether for success or
failure. She had, however, other intentions in pausing
at Milan, besides that of venerating St. Charles
Borromeo. The archiepiscopal see was then filled by
Cardinal Federigo Borromeo, whose sanctity of life
was only overshadowed by the still greater merits
and glories of the Saint. Mary Ward knew him well
by repute, and had heard much both of the uncle and
nephew,^ and of their being the large-minded patrons
^ St. Charles Borromeo died November, 1584, only two months
before Mary was born. The miracles which in the years immediately
succeeding were performed at his tomb, and by his intercession, must
have been well known to her in her childish years. Cardinal Federigo
was born 1564, and died 1631. In the year preceding his death, he
most nobly followed his uncle's example in his devotion to the plague-
stricken inhabitants of Milan, which was again desolated by that fearful
disease.
204 Cardinal Federigo Borro7neo.
of the UrsuHne uncloistered Congregation of Nuns,
which the former had. established in his diocese. Her
wish for seeking an interview with Cardinal Federigo
may be hence well understood. But there were diffi-
culties in the way. The Cardinal was much talked
of as a man of great austerity of life, and she was
strongly dissuaded by some persons, who were sup-
posed to be prudent judges in the matter, from
attempting an audience. Cardinal Federigo never
mixed in ordinary society, and, besides, had a holy
hatred of the female sex, whom he rarely spoke to,
and this never in his own palace, but in a churdi
only.
" Nevertheless," says Winefrid, " all these argu-
ments could not make her change her design, which
wa'^ good, for the loss could only be that of her own
labours." This might be the estimation of human
prudence only, but the success which followed showed
the Divine hand over-ruling all, and that there was
something more than ordinary in the affair. Mary
went in her usual quiet humble manner, which made
her above being hurt by any affronts she might meet.
Arrived at the great hall of the palace, "the Cardinal's
gentleman assured her very civilly, but for certain,
that his Eminence would see no woman-kind what-
ever— no, not his own sister or niece — in other place
than the church." But while they were speaking,
one of the other attendants left the hall, it appeared
as if he did not know why, and went straight to
Cardinal Federigo, telling him of the arrival of Mary
and her companions. Then immediately, contrary to
all expectation, the Cardinal came himself to fetch
Kind reception of Mary: 205
her in, and led her into his private apartments, where
he talked with her for more than an hour, especially
conferring with her concerning the foundations he
was intending of some seminaries and monasteries in
his diocese. Moreover, he told her most graciously,
that she must be content to stay for four days in
Milan, and when she returned from Germany, he
should not be satisfied with so short a time. His
carriage and one of his canons should attend her while
she was in the city, and upon the last day of her visit,
she must eat with his nuns, where, after dinner, he
"Vl'ould come and speak more at large, and bid her
farewell. All this came to pass as he had planned, to
the astonishment of those in Milan who knew his
usual habits. He went to the nuns' convent to take
leave of Mary, and there conversed alone with her for
two hours, after which he spent some time with each
of her companions separately, speaking to them very
warmly of what they owed to God for their vocation,
and the happiness they possessed in being with Mary
Ward. So great was the impression that the Car-
dinal's reception of Mary made in Milan, that several
years after, on one of her journeys from Germany,
happening to meet on the road near the city some of
the Milanese nobles, they recognized her, saying,
" This is she whom our holy Cardinal Archbishop so
much loved and respected."
Mary arrived at Milan on the nth of December.
On the 14th, she wrote to Barbara Babthorpe at
Liege, when she says that time had failed during the
journey for letters, especially from the numerous
civilities and compliments which she received, so that
2o6 Letters at Milan.
she could scarce find time either to eat or sleep. Out
of consideration to those offering them they could
not be avoided, there was only patience then left
when she could not in consequence accomplish what
she wished. She adds that she intends going on
towards Munich the next day ; that certainly this is
greatly out of the way on the road to England, but
that she desires to take this little labour upon her for
the love of God: she cannot. lose anything by it,
let it go hereafter as it will. She promises to write
again from Munich.
Mary received letters from her absent companions
while in Milan. Those from England or Flanders
conveyed news to her which touched her with vivid
grief, concerning the defalcation and intended return
to the world of one among them who was dear to her,
as indeed they all were. We shall see a little later
onwards the result which God permitted should
happen to her through this news reaching her.
Our travellers were now approaching the more
difficult part of their journey. Hitherto the genial
climate of Italy had made the way less toilsome,
though we may see in the greater length of time
spent on the road a token of Mary's enfeebled powers.
Some three hundred miles, from Rome to Milan, had
taken them a month, including the short pauses at
Florence and Parma. Formerly Mary did not hesi-
tate at twenty miles a day on foot, and thought five
days very long for a journey of seventy miles. On
the present occasion it is, however, marvellous that
in her suffering condition she should have travelled
on foot at all, and for twelve or fifteen miles daily,
The Dernardine Pass. 207
and frequently through a mountainous country upon
the roads which such a district produces in Italy.
They had now to prepare to cross the Rhoetian Alps,
the route which Mary had fixed on. By the time
they reached the mountains it would be mid-winter,
and they would be passing through a country where
Catholics were hated, and where the inhabitants had
but lately been restrained by the hand of authority
from open persecution of their neighbours of the true
faith. A well-filled purse might guard from many
€vils, but the party had rather the contrary to boast
of, for Mary's letter to Barbara shows hers as well-
nigh emptied. And when once in Catholic Austria
it does not appear that any one of them could speak
the language of the country — no slight inconvenience
and difficulty to travellers so poorly provided in every
respect.
The winter of the year 1626 was unusually severe.
Heavy snows had early covered the country ; the
<:old was intense ; but in spite of all, Mary and her
companions did not falter in their designs. It may
be inferred that the holy Archbishop not only lent
them his coach, attended by one of his canons, to
lionize the City of Milan, but also sent them as far
as the Lake of Como, a more substantial act of kind-
ness. They crossed the lake with some danger, and
thence reaching the Bernardine Pass, in driving snow
and bitter cold, traversed the mountains and part of
the Canton of the Grisons. The journey had become
one of considerable peril from the inclemency of the
weather, and the inhospitality of the people, on dis-
covering them to be a party of Catholics, was added
2o8 Arrival at Feldkirch.
to their own lack of money. Mary suffered severely,
and appeared worn out with fatigue ; yet no sooner
had they arrived late on Christmas Eve at Feldkirch,*
the first Catholic town of the Austrian Tyrol, than
she at once prepared to keep the holy season with
fitting devotion and thanksgiving. Having taken
some food, she proceeded at eight or nine in the
evening to the parish church, and here she remained
during the midnight Mass, and until three o'clock in
the morning, motionless, we are told, and wrapt in
ecstatic prayer, " in as great cold," says the writer of
the manuscript — in this case probably Mary Poyntz,
the eye-witness and contributor of the account of this
remarkable journey — "as I think ever was felt."
But Mary Ward's communication with God, of
whatever nature, was full of pain. Her letters from
England were fresh in her mind, and the faithless
state of her unhappy country was deeply impressed
on her by what they had told. All that she had seen
in passing through the Protestant Orisons had but
added to the wound of grief, and in the church at
Feldkirch she poured forth her soul before God in
tender intercessions for pity and mercy on those who
were perishing in her own land for lack of the Bread
of Life, which they rejected with ignorant perversity.
Had God, then, turned away His face for ever from
those for whom she pleaded "i Her countenance
showed the sorrow which was still piercing her heart
when she left the church in the early morning to
* Now a railway station, twenty miles from Bregenz, to the south-
east of the Lake of Constance. A small town, but beautifully situated
among the mountains. The Capuchin church still exists, and there is
a Jesuit College in the town also.
Christmas night in Church. 209
return to the inn. Mary but partially disclosed to
her anxious companions the cause of the unwonted
trouble which was spread over her features, whose
unruffled serenity of expression was never disturbed
by whatever harass or untoward event concerning
herself or her work. " Particulars she would never
tell," says her biographer, " but in general terms that
it concerned the conversion of England."
To Mary Poyntz and her companions generally
Mary said no more. But it was perhaps to the
sympathizing heart of her faithful Winefrid at a later
time — though her friend's prudent caution prevents
her from telling it in her biography — that she after-
wards confided what followed. While still early on
Christmas morning, they went to High Mass in the
Church of the Capuchins, Mary yet " in inexpressible
affliction of mind." Here her ecstatic state of prayer
was renewed. But it was not until nine o'clock,
during the time when the Holy Sacrifice was being
offered, that any relief was granted to her while in-
terceding with interior agony before the New-Born
Redeemer of the world for the conversion of her
earthly sovereign, Charles I. The revelation she
then received of the tenderness and long-suffering of
the Divine love towards him, filled her soul with
consolation, while still consumed with grief that such
tenderness should win no return, but remain un-
availing.* From the Holy Child she learned, and
•* Our readers may here be reminded of the ail-but conversion of
Charles, before the death of James I., when on his private expedition
to Spain in 1624, in order to obtain the hand of the Infanta. He was
intellectually convinced by what he there learned of the Catholic faith,
but did not follow up the light then given him.
O 2
2IO Vision concerning Charles I.
" it was clearly shown to her with what infinite and
compassionate love He had encompassed Charles,
and longed to have him for all eternity as a co-heir
of His glory, so that his own cooperation alone was
wanting."^ In this revelation the sight of the inten-
sity and magnitude of the Divine love and compassion
poured forth upon the King was so overwhelming,
that Mary was thrown into a rapture, and she honestly
confessed to her friend that had the same degree of
love been manifested towards herself, she must have
died from pure joy.*"
No sooner had Mary Ward and her companions
left the church after High Mass on Christmas Day,
than the unusual appearance of a party of foreign
travellers in such severe weather, added to their
lengthened devotions before their altars, made the
pious inhabitants of Feldkirch crowd at once to
welcome them. There was something in the calm
demeanour of the gentle lady at their head which
attracted them, they knew not why. The sweetness
of the Holy Child, to Whom she had been so near,
was reflected in her countenance, and gave a power
and winningness to her words which they could not
resist. " The one called the other to go and see her,
each finding what suited and agreed with them, yet
she always the same in equanimity, making no
appearance of trying especially to please any. Her
inclination would have led her to speak with no one,"
for neither in soul or body was she in a condition for
* Painted Life (forty-fourth picture).
* Gottselige Leben Maria Ward, Father Tobias Lohner, S.J., 1689,
p. 207.
Mary at Innspriick. 211
receiving strangers — her soul still strongly drawn
towards God and into the unseen world, her body
suffering from great infirmities and bowed down v/ith
weakness and exhaustion, making some repose most
needful for both. Above all, what human converse
could have been desirable, after converse with the
Holy Babe of Bethlehem ? But charity prevailed, and
every one, whether of high or low degree, in the little
town, " religious and all," had free access to Mary for
the rest of the day.
The travellers could but have rested for the fol-
lowing night at Feldkirch, and then apparently
hurried forward on their journey in some conveyance
through the Tyrol. On arriving at Innspruck,
Mary again carried out the rule she had laid down
to herself She presented her credentials to the
Austrian Archduke and Duchess, who resided there
as governors of this part of the Austrian dominions.
The Archduke Leopold was the Emperor Ferdinand's
brother, and his wife Claudia de Medicis, sister of the
Archduke of Tuscany, from whose family Mary had
received so much courtesy at Florence. Nor were
Leopold and the Archduchess less devout than so
many other members of these two noble houses, or,
in consequence, less inclined to show hospitality and
kindness to one whose virtues they already knew
from report. They accordingly entertained Mary and
her party with every mark of esteem, and, inquiring
into their intended route, provided them with means
to proceed towards Munich by the nearest road, by
sending them on to Hall on the River Inn in one of
their carriages. Here they were to embark on the
212 The Urstdines of Hall.
Inn and to travel by water for two-thirds of the
remainder of their journey.
A congregation of devout ladies were settled at
Hall, a branch of the Ursulines, who devoted them-
selves without enclosure to the good of their own sex
in various ways. Fully sympathizing in Mary's
designs, they pressed her cordially to stay for a time
with them before going further. But all that she had
experienced since leaving Rome only made her long
the more earnestly to reach England, and she pressed
unweariedly on without delaying a day. An impetus
had been given her to seek fresh labours, fresh sacri-
fices. Still before her was the infinite, the marvellous
love of God in drawing souls to Him, and still she
must intercede that they might not turn away, and
entreat for faithful workers ready to spend themselves
for the souls they seek. And still must she search
out new fields for toil and suffering for herself, to
perfect the means God had put into her hands, by
advancing her Institute. The thought of the unhappy
soul who was drawing back from the holy vocation
to which she had devoted herself, and who was
perhaps in consequence working injury, where instead
good seed ought to have been sown and good fruit
garnered, still pierced Mary's heart. In her renewed
agony she prayed fervently during the journey that
the Institute might not be permitted to suffer by the
defalcation. While commending it most fervently to
our Lord and to the care of His Most Blessed Mother,
Almighty God showed her the favour with which He
regarded her petitions by another consoling and re-
markable revelation. " It was clearly shown to her "
Prevision of the future Confirviation. 213
{such are the words), " and she was given fully to
discern, when and through Whom the Institute should
be confirmed, and that this would be done when it
was least expected."''
We hear not a word of the effect which so won-
derful a disclosure of the future and the designs of
God's all-directing Providence had upon Mary. Wine-
frid is totally silent as to the whole occurrence : it
was too dangerous a subject for her to touch on at
the time she wrote. The fulfilment of the prediction
has taken place, but we must be content to be left in
ignorance both as to these effects, and whether Mary
in her intellectual vision was favoured with the sight
of the Pope who first gave the long-desired mark of
Pontifical approval to her work, Clement XI.,^ of
happy memory, or whether the vision stretched
forward many and longer years — years, some of
which brought once more reproach and ignominy to
her whose crown they then only rendered brighter
above — to the. time when the Institute received the
last seal of approbation necessary for its life and
duration,^
Mary left the River Inn either at Rosenheim or
Wasserburg. Either place can be reached in a day
from Hall in a sailing vessel, with a favourable wind,
which, from the date of her arrival in Munich, Provi-
dence must have sent her. She exchanged the boat
for a carriage, and again pressed forward. Since her
' Painted Life (picture forty-six). The italic word with its capital
letter is copied from the original.
^ In the year 1703.
9 Granted by Pius IX., a.d. 1871.
214 Aitna Griinwaldin.
entering the Tyrol, perhaps at Feldkirch, where an
attraction seemed to draw the people to her, a
German or Swiss of the middle class of life, named
Anna Maria Griinwaldin, had offered herself to Mary
to embrace the state of life of the English Ladies,
entreating to act as her personal attendant, an office
which Mary's suffering health made amply requisite.
Her devotion and piety made the offer doubly valu-
able in the great need they had of some one among
them to act as interpreter. Anna Maria therefore
took her place among the party. She was with the
English Ladies for several years, and served our Lord
faithfully. It is from a statement which she repeat-
edly made to witnesses of good authority that what
now follows is taken. She was standing with Mary
one day, during a temporary stay at an inn, before a
window. Mary remained looking out for a long time,
motionless, and apparently absorbed in whatever was
interiorly occupying her. Anna Maria at last spoke
to her, and asked her why she was away from herself,
as it were, for so long .'' Upon this Mary said, " Anna
Maria, what is Munich ? " She replied that it was
the city where the Electors of Bavaria resided. " And
tell me what is Anger ?^*^ Are there not nuns there,
and are they not called of St. James } " Upon Anna
Maria answering "Yes" to both these questions,.
Mary continued : " Listen, Anna Maria, you and I
shall go there. I shall be taken there as a false
prophetess, and y6u will become a nun in the con-
yent." We shall in the course of this history return
^^ A German word signifying "common." A rough piece of ground
formerly outside the city of Munich.
Mary reaches Munich. 215
to Mary's words with regard to herself. For Anna
Maria the prediction was fulfilled. She became a
Poor Clare in the Anger Convent a few years subse-
quently.
Mary Ward entered Munich by the gate called
the Iser Thor. On the last day's journey she per-
formed her meditation as usual while on the road.
The long, painful days of travelling were just about
to end during which she had been shown a part of
the bitter cup of affliction she was to drink. But
there was consolation also at hand, and before enter-
ing the capital of Bavaria, the first and immediate
result for which God had led her on into the heart
of a strange country was opened to her as she prayed.
They were then approaching the city, and near a
rising ground at that period called the Iserberg^
whence its towers and belfries could be discerned.
Her meditation over, in' the course of conversation
with her companions, Mary told them that she feared
their intended journey to Flanders would be stopped,
adding shortly after, " What will you say if we obtain
a house here } " And then without any mark of
either exultation or surprise, she told her wondering
fellow-travellers in a few short words, though without
the reasons for her knowledge, that the Elector would
give them both a fitting residence in Munich and a
yearly allowance for their maintenance.
CHAPTER II.
TJie Paradeiser Hans.
1627.
There was a tradition current in Bavaria nearly
two hundred years ago, that on one of the last days
of the year 1626, the Electress Elisabeth, then with
Maximilian I. residing in Munich, proposed to the
latter to take a drive over the Iserberg, adding,
" perhaps we may meet a saint." They went for the
drive, and met Mary Ward then entering the capital
from the Tyrol. Whether this is a matter of real
fact or not, it is certain that Mary so quickly obtained
access to the Sovereigns, and was so kindly received
at a private audience, that it v/as supposed the Elec-
tress had for long held correspondence with her.
" If so, it was," as Winefrid says, " Divine, for human
there had been none." But the very characters of
these good Princes was sufficient alone to account
for the kind dispositions with which they immediately
welcomed one, whose virtues had, through good
report, preceded her to their Court.
Maximilian, the head and chief support of the
Catholic League in Germany, was a devoted son of
the true faith. Nor was this in outward name only.
It was said in scorn of his famous General Tilly,
Maximilian I. 217
that he was as much a monk as a soldier, since,
with other devout practices, he never passed a day,
even one on which he went into battle, without
making his morning meditation and night prayers.
Maximilian could have vied with this great hero in
the same acts of a deeply rooted personal religion.
To his daily devotions, never omitted for whatever
pressure of business or war, he added long hours of
prayer on his knees, the daily hearing, and on some
occasions serving,^ Mass, and great corporal penances.
His first public act as Duke of Bavaria, on the
abdication of his father, William the Pious, was a
pilgrimage to the miraculous shrine of our Lady of
Alt Otting, where he solemnly dedicated himself to
her, by an act written on parchment in his own
blood, found there after his death in a sealed-up
box, which he left on her altar.^
But Maximilian was not only great in soul and in
his love of God, he was also great in mind and charac-
ter as a man and a sovereign. Educated in his youth
by the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, and afterwards
at the University of Ingoldstadt, he excelled in all
branches of learning. With all the energy natural to
him, he threw himself into the study of ancient classics,
' Maximilian often served the Mass of St. Laurence of Brindisi,
lately canonized, in the Capuchins' Church at Munich, when the Saint
from falling into an ecstacy, would sometimes be six or seven hours in
saying it.
' The miraculous statue of our Lady is carved in wood of the seventh '
or eighth century, and said to be the work of St. Rupert himself.
Maximilian's words were, " I, Maximilian, the greatest of sinners, by my
blood and handwriting, give myself wholly to thee as a slave, O Blessed
Virgin Mary."
2 1 8 Wisdom and piety of the Elector,
jurisprudence, and the art of government, as well as
of modern languages and their literature, and the
fine arts. When his father abdicated in 1597, Maxi-
milian succeeded, at the age of twenty-five, to the
government of a country weak and disordered from
its almost bankrupt condition. By his wisdom and
vigorous attention to affairs, he had in a few years
restored its finances, revised the laws, and introduced
good order into every department. And beyond
this, he had also raised and disciplined an army fit
to defend the good cause, of which he was soon to
be the main stay and principal guardian, though, at
the same time, its chiefest sufferer and victim. But
besides the art of governing his people, Maximilian
had early learned another, the true secret of all his
greatness, that of governing himself Laying aside
all petty pride as to rank or birth, he chose, without
having regard to either, the ablest men of his time
as his advisers and co-workers, and did not disdain
to learn from them himself His passions were held
in severe subjection, and with a perfect confidence
in the good providence of God and the rights of
the Catholic Church, his mind remained undisturbed
in the midst of the enormous reverses and disappoint-
ments which the course of the Thirty Years War
brought with it. Even when, as it proceeded, he
•was twice driven from his capital by the Swedes,
his calm exterior and equanimity of deportment
were unchanged. Already had the struggle in which
he had to take the most conspicuous part, on the
Catholic side, been one of chequered fortune. But
war had not yet reached Bavaria, and Tilly's and
The Electress Elisabeth. 219
Wallenstein's victories over the Danes in Brunswick
had, in the year in which Mary Ward arrived in
Munich, given a temporary advantage to the
Cathohcs.
It was likely that a Prince, so cultivated in mind
and with religious principles of so exalted a character,
should readily appreciate the virtues and motives of
the refined and highly gifted English Lady who
presented herself as a stranger at his Court. The
poverty of her dress and retinue did not deceive
him, and he at once discerned under her humble
exterior the unmistakable marks of a devoted servant
of God. The Electress Elisabeth, his wife, was quite
as forward as Maximilian in her warm welcome of
Mary Ward. A daughter of Charles Duke of Lor-
raine, she was in every way worthy of her husband,
who found in her a lively sympathizer in all his
joys or anxieties. As devout as Maximilian himself,
she would pray for hours for him before the altar
when he was in the field, and from the soundness
of her judgment he sought counsel with her in his
cares and difficulties. She was unbounded in her
compassion for the poor and suffering, and the liberal
foundress of good works of piety. Her death tells
best the tale of what her life had been. Her last
words, often repeated, were, " O my Jesus, my most
beloved Jesus, I long to be dissolved and to be with
Thee ! "
This wise and holy pair, bent on the good of their
people, would have heard of Mary Ward and her
work of education in Liege and Cologne, under the
patronage of Maximilian's brother, the Prince-Bishop
220 First Audience.
Ferdinand. They were both also correspondents of
Father Domenico di Gesu. His connection with them
had not ended when, after the victory of Prague, a
few years before, he came back rejoicing to Munich
with Maximih'an, the prediction with which he had
previously consoled the Electress being fulfilled, of
the safe return of her husband at the conclusion of
the enterprise. They still consulted the holy man
on their undertakings, and in this knowledge the
key may be found to the words with which Elisabeth
saluted Mary Ward on their first reception of her at
Munich. "The Duchess told Mary that she had
long designed and expected what God had now sent,
and it should not easily escape her." Nobly and
generously indeed were those words fulfilled. They
have been re-echoed again and again since that time
by the royal house of Bavaria, in each succeeding
generation to the Institute of Mary, up to the present
day.
Mary Ward's audience with the Elector and Elec-
tress, when she presented recommendatory letters
from various Cardinals and others, took place imme-
diately on her arrival at Munich. They would not
hear of her continuing her journey to England, even
on condition of coming back with her companions
to make a settlement in the city. A house was
ready for them, why delay for so many months }
Men and money should be sent to Cologne to fetch
as many assistants as she required. The traditional
date of the foundation of the Munich House of the
Institute is the year 1626, in which case these pre-
liminaries must have been arranged at Mary's first
House for the Connmmity. 221
interview, which could only just have taken place ere
the new year, 1627, began. The mansion which the
noble bounty of Maximilian at once placed at Mary's
disposal as a residence, though not as a gift,-'' was very
large and well fitted to her purpose. It had been
bequeathed by its owner, Christopher Paradeiser,
Lord of Neuhaus, to the Elector in 1621. Called
after its ancient possessor, it stood in a central
position in Munich, not far from the Cathedral, and
within its jurisdiction. The house faced what was
then one of the chief streets of the city, its principal
frontage being to Wein Strasse. The buildings abut-
ted on the chapel or vault of a miraculous statue of
our Lady, known as Unsere Liebe Fran in der Griift,
the care of which belonged to the Benedictines of
Andechs, then the guardians of the Three Miraculous
Hosts whose history is notorious in Bavaria. The
neighbourhood of this chapel proved of great benefit
and comfort to the English Ladies, for, not having
for many years leave for Mass in their own chapel,
they had access to the Gruft by a door opening
out of the Paradeiser Haus. There was also a grille
in their upper choir, through which they could
look down on the altar and shrine, and as it was
a place of great resort from the graces obtained
"* The Sisters of the Institute continued to live in the Paradeiser
Haus from this time, 1626, until the secularization of all the religious
houses by the Elector, Max Joseph, in 1808, when it was taken from
them. In the year 1691, the loan of the building had been made into
a gift to the Institute by Max Emanuel, who also rebuilt the whole of
it for the nuns, in a fine Italian style. This handsome building, con-
sisting of a large quadrangle, is now the head quarters of the Polizei
Direction,
22 2 Maximilian^ s generosity.
there,* the Masses said daily in the chapel were very
numerous.
MaximiHan gave orders then that this extensive
building should be made ready, at his expense, for
Mary and the community to inhabit, and also that
it should be thoroughly furnished. Nor did his
generosity stop here. He intended to give the
English Ladies a yearly revenue, sufficient to cover
their maintenance, independently of whatever the
pension of the children might be, thus enabling
them to teach their pupils at little expense and
even many gratis. The Electress herself meantime
took Mary and her travelling companions under her
care until the arrival of the expected Sisters. Nor
did many days elapse before the messengers were
sent off to Cologne, with instructions from Mary to
Barbara Babthorpe to select at once twelve from
among their number to begin the new foundation.
This selection was one of anxious thought to Mary.
It was very necessary not only that holy and faithful
souls, but also skilful and accomplished teachers,
should be introduced into so important a sphere of
action as the intended work at Munich. And the
choice was difficult. The other Houses could not
be stripped by the withdrawal of those best suited
by their qualities for the occasion. The news from
England and Flanders, from which Mary had suffered
■* The image was of Our Lady of Dolours, and had been honoured
in the Gruft for a century and a half, when the vault was desecrated for
secular purposes by Lutherans, and the image thrown aside. In 1612,
a miraculous cure brought the image again to light, and it was restored
to its former honour, until the secularization in 1808, when the chapel
being destroyed it was taken to the Church of the Theatines.
Causes for anxiety. 223
on the journey, was still before her. Evil, and rest-
lessness, that precursor of evil, were at work. There
were unquiet spirits within, as well as outside the
communities, threatening injuries difficult to avert.
The letter, therefore, still extant, from Mary to
Barbara Babthorpe, is written under the pressure of
these considerations. It gives a painful idea of the
effects within the Houses, which the vexatious contro-
versy carried on outside with regard to the Institute
could not fail to produce on imperfect or unsettled
minds among them. The adverse opinions expressed
and acted upon by individuals among the Jesuit
Fathers, in ways for which probably the heads of the
Society of Jesus were not responsible, told most inju-
riously against the Institute. They are touched upon
by Mary in this letter with her usual charity, though
she does not conceal the suffering and harm thence
accruing. Her grief over England is renewed as
she writes of the untoward events passing there with
regard to their own body, and of one of the unhappy
souls who had turned away from them. The tender
care, too, which is her wont for her sick and infirm
Sisters is very conspicuous in this letter. Nothing
is to be done, not absolutely necessary, which shall
lessen the comfort of the sufferer, notwithstanding
the urgency of the case. In spite of the prosperous
opening offering itself in Bavaria, Mary lets Barbara
know that she had not given up her intentions of
finally going in person into Flanders, where her
presence was likely, more than all else, to calm
down the troubled waters and allay the disquiets
which had arisen almost incessantly ever since she
224 Letter to Liege.
left that part of Europe. But poverty was still strait-
ening her as to this and all else. Meantime her
Sisters were eagerly expected thence by the whole
city of Munich, and she urges all the speed possible
upon Barbara, who is to convoy the party.
The letter was addressed to Barbara as "Pro-
vincial of ours, Liege. If Mor. Provinll. be gone to
Cullen, send it after her."
IHS.
Very Reverend my dear Mother, — I have two of yours
in one packet, the latter dated the 5th of February. I am
marvellous sorry for Mother Anne Gage her infirmity, and
that I cannot, without hindrance of God's best service, see
her so soon as both she and I desire : yet I am hopeful to
find her better than you will now leave her, and we shall
all meet together ere long. Here is such crying out for
ours to come hither quickly, as that I am weary with
answering that I cannot yet have answer of mine to your-
self, &c. For God's love make what haste possibly. i^Soli —
I am heartily glad you have that ;^2o from England, to
the end you may have no cause of stay. I need not beg
you to be sparing of it.) God knows how we shall do for
moneys to do business when I come to you, and, indeed,
how I shall do for moneys to get from hence, for I must
not beg of the Duke and Duchess for that business in no
case, much less is it a time now to propound to them the
foundation of Lifege or Treves. God's blessing on your
heart for telling me your opinion of Mother Luise and
Anne Talbott's being together. By all means let Jane
Attkings come and not Anne Talbott. If little Ellen had
language and were at Collen, I could willingly afford her
Jane At. her place. But indeed, my mother, haste in your
coming is so necessary, as you may judge, and I see by
the state of things everywhere, as the difference between
Choice of Sisters for Munich. 225
Jane Att. and Ellen is not worth the staying for six or
eight days, which would be the least she could be sent for,
and come in from Treves to CoUen. Therefore, to con-
clude, let Jane Attkins be brought. By Treves you cannot
in any sort come, for both it is out of your way from Collen
to Monaco, and, which most imports, the poverty of our
House there, is such as it were in no case fit those that
come from you should see. I could not but conceive what
you say concerning the two left at Collen when Luise shall
come away, but as I formerly wrote to you, I know no
remedy except Sister Gifford or Mother Marg. Campian
could go with you from Liege to stay there, at least to
supply the number till God provide otherwise. Would to
God, Mother iVnne Gage could spare Mo. Marg. Campian,
being her health is so bad, but I cannot determine anything
in this, because I am loath to discomfort Mor. Anne Gage,
whose present weakness goes near me, I assure you. But
God only can remedy it, and I hope He will, since all
done that lessens her content is necessary for His service,
and I am hopeful in God's goodness she will recover, and
we shall live to see one another manie a fair day and you
yet. Indeed, I had a great desire in drawing those from
her to ease her charge and increase her comfort, and so I
trust she will find it one day in effect. I cannot blame
Father Crathorne for wishing I should say nothing to the
Princes here against our English Fathers there. A guilty
conscience hath always cause to fear, though he be none
of that number. Sweet Jesus, forgive them, and I wish I
were able to do them as much good as they have done
ours hurt, and then I could not be persuaded to hold my
peace in their behalf. Neither is there any fear they can
hurt ours here (though they should be so disposed, as I
hope they are not) for these Princes esteem ours much,
and this with presence (while God is sought and served^
works wonders.
P 2
226 Work in England.
I marvel not that those children are dispersed that were
kept by ours in England. It is well the event and end of
that business is no worse, for as I have said often, it was
' not for God's service that ours should be nurses in England,
as things both there and in those parts stands. Alas ! why
was Marg. permitted to return ? I pray God she follow not
Audry her steps. Bid Mor. Catherine Isam bring Marg.
Vaux with her when she comes. Alas ! how do ours labour
now-a-days, that it is possible to lose so much grace in that
poor country ? God of His goodness find whom to do His
works. It is a pain to think how few years there remains
for ours to labour in, and much more, how much there is
to do in this short time and how few to do it. Pray that
I may have one will with God's, and then what happens
will always be best welcome.
For God's love inform Mo. Anne Talbott so well of all,
as that Mor. EUz. Hall do her no hurt. Do not let any
know what office they are like to have here, for so wanting
*what they expect, which they are like enough to do, they
■will be disgusted. No more, my dear Mother, but all
happiness, and what haste you can possible. I hope
Mother Mary Hazelwood comes also with you. Mo. Anne
shall but lend her hither till the end of next summer. Vale.
Jesus be with you.
Monaco, Feb. 16, 1627.
It could have been but a short time after Mary
Ward's arrival in Munich, that by means of the
Rev. Henry Lee's hand, she conveyed to Father
Gerard the good news of what was passing with
regard to the Institute in Bavaria. Father Gerard
answered the letter early in March, from Ghent,
where he had been stationed since Mary had last
seen him in Rome in the year 1623.
Letter of Father Gerard. 227
Rev. and ray dear loving sir, — I received your letter,'*
the first that I have received from you these three years,
and read it with great comfort, seeing therein the goodness
of God towards His chosen servants whom He hath tried
like gold in the furnace, as well to sever from them the
dross of such meaner spirits as were not able to hold out in
these great trials of poverty and contradictions and crosses
of all kinds, but for want of constancy would look back
with Lot's wife and be turned into unprofitable salt good for
nothing (as I think the event will prove) nisi tit mittantur
for as et conculce7itur ab hominibus : as also to purify and
perfect them that persevere in true confidence of God's
fatherly Providence. . . . This I have always seen to be
their case, and though I have kept silence to them, as it
was needful I should, and must still continue to do so, yet
I have pleaded their cause where only I can avail them,
that is with Him Who is best able to help them, and Who
will not despise the humble and earnest prayers though of
His unworthy servants. To Him, I have and do and will
continue to offer my poor and instant petitions many times
every day, and no day but they have a chief part in my
Masses, and many times the whole when I have not other
obligations. Other helps I cannot afford, either in spiritual
or corporal assistance, my hands being tied. Thus much
for my opinion of their patience, and my good wishes to
their persons, not to be altered but by their altering from
God's service, which I am confident never will be. And
yourself, who have been their faithful friend and assistant,
I doubt not but you have gained a great place with God,
for your constant charity and patience therein, it being no
small matter to concur to the raising of such a company,
wherein the only glory of God and good of souls is sought,
and for these two greatest ends, not only to do but to suffer
^ Docketed in an old handwriting. " A letter from Father John
(Tomson) Gerard, S.J., to the Rev. Henrico Lee, sacerdos, concerning
the Society of English Ladies."
228 Letter of Father Gerard.
with them, what is it else but to be a partaker in like pro-
portion both of their merits and rewards. This is my
opinion of you, and according to this is my good will unto
you, and this happiness I am persuaded, your uncle's
[Father Roger Lee] prayers in Heaven and your chief
friend's merits, who is yet on earth, hath obtained for you.
And according to this, I beseech of you to measure my
regard for you, both past and to come, although I do not
express it in letters which I never could do without in-
conveniency, since I saw you, nor shall I have means here-
after ... at least I am sure I cannot write my full mind as
here I do ... If you should continue to write I could be very
glad to understand truly the particular state of their houses,
both at Rome and Naples, touching all external things.
And this I think Mother Chief Superior might write unto
her brother. Father George, who is here with me, but she
were best to write by Mother Cotton's hand to save her own
labour, for although his letters will be opened, yet she may
well acquaint her brother with such things, also with the
entertainment they had at Florence or at Cassilion [Castig-
lione] and at Hall. God Almighty reward that worthy
Duke and Duchess for their charity. It was the place
where I most wished they should be settled in ; for besides
the ample pension his worthy mind is like to give, his
wisdom and way of proceeding are so known, that which
he doth will be a warrant to others, that they may be sure
to see that it be well deserved. Therefore all endeavours
must be used to give him full satisfaction, and choice
persons placed in that house, and better it were to have
that house well and fully furnished, than to strive and strain
to erect others, though they were offered even by the
Emperor, for if that house where they are do flourish, the
fame and opinion of the good which there is done will
make them be desired in other places, that the best will
think they rather receive than do a pleasure to begin a
house in their states : but when they see, the want of
Letter of Father Gerard. 229
persons doth only hinder, and that want would soon be
supplied if they were confirmed, it will make the best to
concur, and this much more out of the opinion of one well-
furnished house, and the good it will do, than if many were
begun with few persons in them who cannot perform. And
there is no time to be lost, though their greatest business
stay awhile, for in this Pope's time, it is not likely they can
obtain their desire, and I was very sorry when I heard it
was urged in his time, and did expect it would make them
further off. They take now the true way, which is to give
as much satisfaction, as may be, to our chief friends in
Rome, and wherein they can, to have and follow their
advice. Also to undertake but few places, but there to
discharge well, that it may be seen what they could and
would do, if they had companions, as they soon would
have of the best sort, in every country, if they were con-
firmed, and in ours, if it were not so much bruited, that they
shall never be confirmed, but rather suppressed. Which thing,
together with their wants, being aggravated by those whom
God hath permitted to exercise their patience, hath hindered
all from entering of late years, and drawn some from them
that were entered, as being persuaded they might lawfully
do it. But experience showeth they left grace behind them,
and carry it not with them, for I hear not of one that is fit
for any good course. The fears therefore of entering being
taken away in part by relief of their wants (which if they
avoid other expenses will follow upon this foundation), and
some friendship procured in England, which I think they
may obtain by effectual letters which they may get, the
stream which hath gone against them will turn for them,
and in time when it pleaseth God all other things will
follow. They must be very zuary not to speak of any great
differences which have been between them and our English
Fathers, for besides that charity requires it, with most hath
been but mistakings, and such things as we read to have
happened among the saints. It will also do them no good.
230 Letter' of Father Gerard.
seeing our friends there will think that so many so wise and
good men would not be adverse, but seeing some reason
and ground for it. So that I hope Mother Chief Superior
will give a strict command to all hers never to speak any
word of such matters, unless it should be needful for their
just defence, and then both very sparingly and acquainting
her first with it for her direction. I hope it will never be
needful, but rather their silence will bind ours to write well
of them. And if it should prove otherwise, it would be a
great satisfaction to them that they did not begin, nor yet
follow but as enforced to it ; but I hope it will never be.
You will all have a good friend in Mr. Doctor Ansloe : he
is a great friend of Father Edward Silisdon, Father Henry
his brother, who is Superior of this house, for he writes to
me even by the name of Rector of our house, whereas the
Instructor of the Tertian Fathers is only Superior over them,
but not of the rest of the family, as it is in a complete
Noviceship, such as ours was at Liege. I suppose they,
our friends with you, have a copy of that Latin discourse
which Father Burton made at Liege of their minds and
manner of proceeding. If they have it and make good use
of it, it will do them more pleasure than they think. I can
Avrite no more at this time lest I be too late and lose the
opportunity of this post, which I would not.
I pray you tell your best friend and mine, I do of
purpose forbear to write to her, but much desire to see
her here, which she may very well do, her brother being
here. But as for the Exercise for which she hath leave, I
doubt it will not prove best. Pardon my scribbling, for my
right hand with much writing shakes much.
Pray for your poor friend and servant in Christ Jesus,
John Tomson.
Gant, this 8th of March, i62 7.<^
^ This letter, written in English, is addressed to Mr. H. Lee at
Monaco (Munich).
Esteem of the Institute. 231
It may be gathered from this letter, which was
intended rather for Mary and her companions through
Mr. Lee, that Father Gerard's correspondence with
Mary Ward had in some way been checked. Perhaps
he judged it best to discontinue it for a time. But his
warm good-will and the high esteem he had always
felt for her and her work were unchanged. He had
seen and known too much of her and her community
during his Rectorship at Liege, and through all that
had come to his knowledge of their more recent
proceedings, to be moved from the opinion he had
formed. He had been able in those days to show
his estimation of their worth by many kind deeds
in their behalf The storms of persecution which
Mary had since so well endured, had rather increased
his value for the Sisters, as his letter shows, and he
looked upon these fiery trials but as marks of God's
favour and of good promise for future days as to His
merciful intentions for the Institute and for her. Mary
was not mistaken as to the joy he would feel in what,
there was good reason to hope, was the dawn of
more prosperous times. He expresses his glad sym-
pathy to the full.
Father Gerard gives golden counsel to Mary and
those with her in this letter. Events fully proved
the wisdom of what he writes, though Mary, per-
haps from force of circumstances, did not follow out
what he advises as to the number of her new
foundations. But it is remarkable that, in a measure
at least, the disastrous train of consequences, which
were not long in hurrying forward the issue she
so much dreaded, sprang from the increase of these
232 ^ The English Fathers,
foundations. His advice extends to many other im-
portant matters also. Living as he then had been for
some years at Ghent, he was in sufficient nearness both
to England and Liege to be even better acquainted
with the troubled state of things regarding the Insti-
tute than Mary herself His strong expressions as
to the unvvorthiness of those who had been faithless
to their vocation in it, may be noted, and his entire
faith that God would fulfil and perfect the work as
His own in a time yet to come. His anxiety, how-
ever, as to the charity so much required in speaking
of the English Fathers of the Society and the attitude
many of them had assumed towards the Institute,
would have been allayed, had he known what Mary
had so lately written to Barbara Babthorpe in answer
to Father Crathorne. Father Gerard, while writing
as he does, must have been thoroughly aware of the
many causes of provocation which there had been.
But he had not for some years had personal inter-
course, beyond occasional correspondence, with Mary,
and was not therefore cognisant of the grace —
triumphing in spite of everything — which she pos-
sessed as to the love of all who opposed her. In
witnessing this he would have felt there was little
need for his fears.
With all Father Gerard's desires for the well-being
of the Institute, he freely acknowledges himself unable
to help it forward as he had formerly done, so much
were the English Fathers forbidden at this time to
take any part in advancing its interests. That such
stringent orders were not as yet extended to other
portions of the Society will be found shortly. So
Letter to Maximilian. 233
hdpless a condition as to temporal matters did not,
however, prevent him from promising them alms of
the best sort, in his prayers and Masses for their
welfare, nor from being desirous to learn details of
their progress. These details he could obtain through
Mary Ward's brother, Father George Ward, who had
been for some years a member of the Society and
was then at Ghent. But the Father does not en-
courage Mary to hope that she could even go through
the Spiritual Exercises under his own direction in
that city on her way to England, for which she
appears to have obtained the permission in Rome.
To return to Mary and her negotiations with
Maximilian. While the Paradeiser Haus was' in
course of preparation, the Elector still pondered on
the amount of yearly revenue which he should settle
on the English Virgins, as he had in general terms
promised to Mary in urging her to remain in his
capital. The party had not yet arrived from Cologne,
and Mary was meantime seeking out the material
for their work, by making known her educational
designs in Munich. The news, however, of what was
going on there, got abroad, and as Winefrid in
Mary's phraseology relates, " the constant friends
and lovers of their heavenly gain could not brook
them such possessions on earth," and wrote to the
Duke. The letter was one greatly to the disparage-
ment of Mary and her companions, warning the
Elector, " that he did not know who or what he
entertained, and that they had great debts." The
writer, however, had plainly so great a difficulty in
making a good case against them, and so little to
234 Yearly revenue settled.
say to their discredit worthy of attention, that Maxi-
miHan, with his usual discernment and good sense,
was struck at once with the vagueness and ill-natured
tone of the contents. "God gave him light to see,
so that he said, ' This is the devil ! ' adding that,
'whereas he had been slow to resolve on the rents
to be settled on that house, he would do it ere
he stirred thence.' " Having made the necessary
arrangements for the payment of 2,000 gulden
annually, that is about ;^2oo of our money, in value
worth ;iC8oo now, he sent the letter to Mary Ward
through his confessor. This good Father did not
give it into her hand, but read it aloud to her, saying
it was from a prelate of great note. But no sooner
had he finished, than, to his great astonishment, she
named the writer. There is no clue as to who this
distinguished ecclesiastic was, but as Rome was then
the centre of all complaints laid against Mary, it may
perhaps have emanated from thence. Whoever the
writer was, he had overshot his mark, and Mary and
those with her remained scathless.
As soon as the Paradeiser Haus was ready and
delivered over to Mary, " well furnished and rented,"
she sought an audience with Maximilian, and thanked
him for his munificence. His answer was most
gracious and cordial. He told her that " Christ
assured him that 'the workman was worthy of his
hire,' and he on his part thanked her for the accept-
ance. The English had been the first to teach his
people their faith : they were now to teach them the
manner of Christian living." It was not long before
the party from Cologne arrived to occupy the mansion
Mother Winefrid Beding field. 235
in the Wein Strasse. They at once began their work
among the Bavarian children. Besides those Sisters
named in Mary's letter to Barbara, others accom-
panied them whose names are for the first time
brought before us, one of whom especially was to
do good service to the Institute for many long and
eventful years. These were Mothers Winefrid Beding-
field and Cicely Morgan. The former was of that
pious family of the Bedingfields so well known in the
annals of religious houses of the seventeenth century.
The two Fathers mentioned above in Father Gerard's
letter were her uncles. One of the eleven daughters
of Francis Bedingfield of Redlingfield, who all save
one became religious in various orders,^ Mother Wine-
frid, by the title she bore, had already been a member
of the Institute for some years. She was highly
cultivated in mind, and eminently fitted for the post
assigned to her by Mary of Prefect of Schools. But
she possessed other qualities which made her a valu-
able assistant to Mary Ward amidst the more than
ordinary difficulties which soon beset the newly-
founded house at Munich. Her strong, clear intellect
and sound judgment, her powers of discernment,
energy, and great prudence in action, were so re-
markable, that Maximilian was accustomed to lament
that she was a woman, and to say that she had in
her all that was needful to make an eminent states-
man. Of Mother Cicely Morgan^ less is known.
^ Mother Winefrid's father was a grandson of Sir Heniy Beding-
field of Oxburgh, Norfolk. The eleventh, Lady Hamilton, became a
nun at Bruges when a widow. Her daughter, Catharine Hamilton,
entered the Institute of Mary.
^ Perhaps of the old Catholic family of Morgan in Monmouthshire.
-0'
Bavarian Members.
She was, however, of good birth, and highly esteemed
by Mary, who made her before long Mistress of the
Novices, or younger members of the community,
Mary Poyntz appears to have been the first Superior
of the house, with Mother Cicely as her assistant,
while Mother Elisabeth Cotton remained secretary
to Mary Ward.
Two German members were soon added to the
Novitiate, the first-fruits of Bavaria, and well worthy
of that name, Anna Rorlin and Catharina Kochin.
They were both endowed with even heroic virtues,
of which some mention will be made as we proceed.
Both were of the second grade of members in the
Institute who were addressed as " Jungfrau." For
to meet the prevalent usages in Germany Mary found
it necessary to make a distinction between those who
were of noble birth, and those who, of rich parentage
and with good education, yet, from having risen from
a humbler station in life, lacked quarterings sufficient
in their family arms to give a title of nobility. From
this cause they could not mix in the same society or
intermarry with those of higher birth.^ Of this class
were the Jungfraus of the Institute, who admitted
equally with the Fraiileins, or first grade, to all the
privileges of the religious state, were only not eligible,
^ These distinctions, remnants of feudal times, had found their way
into the cloister, so that long before Mary Ward's time, and until the
latter days of the French Revolution, nobility of birth was requisite
for admission into many convents as a Choir Nun. Such narrow lines
and restrictions have been long swept away both in cloistered orders
and in the Institute, though in the latter there are now whole commu-
nities who retain alone the humbler title of Jungfrau, in distinction to
the lay-sisters who form the only other grade of each house.
" My Jtm^frau" 237
as the latter were, to the higher offices. The lay-sisters
formed the third grade, taken from the Bourgeois,
though among them were many shining instances, as
time went on, of those of high place and extraction in
the world, who, to take upon them more effectually
" the livery of their Lord and Master," out of love to
Him, embraced this the lowest estate in religion with
all its consequent results. Anna Rorlin was already of
the age of twenty-nine when she entered the Institute,
in which she for many long years retained the honour-
able distinction of having been the first Bavarian
received by Mary Ward herself The latter bore a
singular affection towards Anna, in whom she had
at once recognized the signs of a character above the
common order, whether in its powers of devotion and
self-sacrifice, or in its strength, firmness of purpose,
and deep-seated piety. Mary would call her "a
mirror of obedience," and was in the habit of affec-
tionately writing and speaking of her as " my Jung-
frau." Catharina Kochin was little inferior to Anna
in all points. But an early and painful death carried
her to her reward, as we shall see.
The new community soon made good way in the
favour of the inhabitants of Munich. The schools
filled rapidly, and we see their progress and the lively
interest Mary took in them from the following letter,
written to Mother Winefrid from Vienna only three
or four months after their commencement.
For Mother Winefrid Beningfield, Monaco.
My dear Mother,— Pax Xti, — These are indeed chiefly
to congratulate the unexpected progress of your Latin
schools. You cannot easily believe the content I took in
238 Letter to Wine/rid Bedingfield.
the themes of those two towardly girls. You will work
much to your own happiness by advancing them apace in
that learning, and God will concur with you, because His
honour and service so require. All such as are capable,
invite them to it, and for such as desire to be of ours, no
talent is to be so much regarded in them as the Latin
tongue. The Latin hand Maria Mich, wrote her theme in,
is here by these Fathers much commended, though I think
it is far short of what it will be. I fear these subtle wenches
have some help at home to make their themes, but you will
look to them for that ! Good Winn, do your utmost in this
and all. This is a time of times for fidelity and true religious
zeal to appear in, and help her by your prayers, who will
ever be to you the best she can. My health is bad, but
will be better, by seeing such as I confide in set hard to
work. Vale, Jesus be ever with you. Commend me to all
your scholars. Yours.
Vienna, July 16, 1627.
While closely occupied with Bavarian affairs,
Mary did not forget the house which had perhaps
given her more unmixed pleasure than any other
which she had founded — that at Naples. She had
already frequently written to Winefrid. The immense
field for the labours of the Institute in Germany had
begun at once to develope itself before her eyes, but
Naples was to aid in the arduous attempt. Father
Gerard's letter has shown how the fresh supplies from
England both of persons and temporal means for this
great work had been stopped, and Mary turns to the
flourishing Neapolitan house for the help she sees
she will require to correspond fittingly to the oppor-
tunity God's Providence had bestowed.
Increased need of workers. 239
My dear Winn, — What want have I of people ! Make
yours fit and get more that are good, for God will not be
served with other than good ones, as we find by experiences,
though His mercies be such to me as to tolerate my faults.
Pray for me for His sake Who will reward you. Mother
Elis. Cotton writes at large how all goes here. I am sure
the grateful prayers of our Naples House hath holpen us
not a little. I must have twenty ready against I return to
Naples, in these parts ; look you to it. Send me hither to
Monaco, with what speed you can, that disputation you
composed for your novices, when they were scholars, of
charity and humility, and the rules how your novices spend
the day — a copy, I mean, of that I brought you from Rome,
with what addition you have found by experience. Jesus
ever bless you and keep you and yours.
Monaco, Feb. 4, 1627.
A new foundation was in view at Naples also,
and Mary, writes to Winefrid, consulting with her
respecting it. The English Virgins were asked for
in Sicily. At Catania were twelve ladies desirous of
entering the Institute. The opening was a tempting
one, but whether the still more advantageous offers
in Germany, which will form the subject of the coming
chapter, caused it to be necessarily passed by, or for
what other cause, the matter dropped and no more
is heard of it.
CHAPTER III.
Foundations in A nstria and Hungary.
1627, 1628.
Doubtless it had been a great joy to Winefrid to
make known to Mary Ward, in the midst of so much
which had been dark and discouraging in Italy, that
the Institute was gaining there in good repute, so far
that a fresh settlement from among its members was
desired by the Italian people. Nor would the news
of the bright prospects in Germany bring back less
to Winefrid's warm heart, but she would not perhaps
be prepared for the sudden blow which Mary's next
letter was to inflict on her personally. The English
Virgins had been established but a few weeks in
Munich, and already Maximilian and Elisabeth had
communicated their satisfaction in all the proceedings
of the community to the Emperor Ferdinand. They
enlarged freely on the great good they anticipated
for their people from the system of education now
set in hand for children of all classes, speaking at the
same time with warm words of praise of Mary and
her associates. Ferdinand II. was, like Maximilian
his brother-in-law, a devoted Catholic, and his zeal for
the preservation of the faith went even beyond that of
the Elector. His love for his people was great, and
The Emperoi" Ferdinand II. 241
it was told of him after his death, that in private
conversation he had revealed the strength of his
desire to deliver his subjects from the specious
novelties of the day in religion. " Were the axe and
block before me," he said, " with their return to the
faith as the condition, how gladly would I lay down
my head for the fatal blow ! " This desire sometimes
led him beyond the bounds of what is now looked on
as a more wise moderation. It was at the very time
at which our history has arrived, that he was pre-
paring a decree to the effect that he would tolerate
no one, not even of the degree of lord or knight, in
his hereditary kingdom of Bohemia, who did not, like
himself, profess the true faith. This decree he pro-
mulgated, and afterwards extended to Austria and
Hungary.
Hearing, then, from Maximilian of the happy
results to be expected from the long-needed means
of improving the mental cultivation of women and
building them up both in faith and a good manner
of life, he determined upon securing so great a
blessing in his dominions if possible. The Emperor
and his second wife Eleanora, a pious Mantuan Prin-
cess, were, like the Elector and Electress, warm friends
and admirers of the saintly Carmelite Domenico di
Gesu. They consulted him on the affairs of their
souls, and were even then earnest petitioners to the
Pope that he should be allowed to come and make a
prolonged stay in their capital. Hitherto they had
not been able to prevail with Urban to part with one
so beloved and valued from near his own person.
As a precautionary measure, therefore, Ferdinand
Q 2
,242 Invites Mary to Vienna.
wrote to this Father to ask counsel from him re-
specting Mary Ward/ making special inquiries as to
his opinion of her spirit and way of proceeding. The
answers to these inquiries so satisfied the Emperor,
that without further delay he sent a message to Mary
asking her to come to Vienna and choose a house
for a residence and schools. This message reached
Mary about April or May, 1627.
The prospect of providing a suitable community
for establishing schools in such a city as Vienna
under Imperial patronage, necessitated changes and
re-arrangements in the communities elsewhere. The
first need Avas a head to carry on such a work, and
accordingly we find Mary writing to Winefrid, in her
usual affectionate manner, but knowing the unwel-
come task she was imposing upon her, with a greater
tone of authority than was her wont. Mary required
Mother Ratcliffe, the Neapolitan Superior, at Vienna,
and there was no alternative — Winefrid must take
the vacant office at Naples. Mary had evidently
sweetened the bitter cup to Winefrid by prefacing
its announcement with some kind words of praise
and encouragement. But these were too much for
Winefrid's humility to be herself their preserver, and
so she has erased them, and the letter begins :
My dear Winn, — . . . that by these I make thee Superior
of Naples. Few ceremonies will serve betwixt us, and you
know I use none in the placing of officers. You must now
bear a part of my burden, and that a great one. I have
^ Historia Vita MaiHa Ward, R. P. D. Bisselii, Ord. S. Aug. in
Ecclesia S. Crucis. Augusta Vindelicorum, 1674, chap. xiii. MS. in
the Archives of the diocese of Westminster.
Wine f rid nearly made Superior. 243
sent for Mother Ratcliffe to come to me to Monaco, and to
bring with her for companion Mother Genison, as also Jane
de la Cost, to stay with Mother Keys at Rome, for if they
be but three there, and any one of them sick, none of the
rest can so much as hear Mass upon holidays, which would
be a thing of so much note, especially in Rome, as the
whole would suffer by it. Now of our College in Naples
and all that are in it, take you the charge and care, and
according to your wonted fidelity do, my Mother, what is
to be done, for the greater glory of God, the good of our
course, and comfort of her who in this world and the next
(if I be worthy) will be mindful of you, and this will suffice
you for this time. Our Lord Jesus bless and direct you.
Monaco," May 20, 1627.
Mother Jane Brown must [this word is erased by M. W.]
let be your Minister to whom I remember myself heartily.
But the Providence of God had arranged differently
from what Mary had intended. He had accepted the
humble diffidence of Winefrid, and Himself removed
the cross she so much dreaded. Before Mary's letter
reached Naples the news had been sent her that'
Mother Ratcliffe was seriously ill. Margaret Genison
was therefore to be Superior at Vienna, and Mary
urges on her speedy departure, for all was ready for
her own journey to the Imperial city.
I have now yours that reports of Mother Superior's sick-
ness, and though you gloss it over with many merry stories
to make me apprehend her infirmity nothing dangerous, yet
every little is more than a great deal of this subject, all
considered. Take you care of her health, and she shall do
^ It must be remembered that Monaco in these letters stands for
Munich.
rx
244 Father Contzejts Letters.
therein what you will have her. No more fasting, &c. Ask
her what order I have given her about fasting, fire, and
clothes, and let me know if all be not duly observed.
Perchance this sickness will hinder her coming now to
me, for midsummer is at hand, after when no going out of
Naples. If this be so, hasten away Mother Margaret
Genison with some one companion, such an one as if she
do not help will not at least hinder, for that would be pitiful
so far off and in a new beginning. I stay in Monaco
[Munich] for nothing but answer of this particular, haste is
but needful for the much I have to do, and little to do
withal. Counsel Mother Superior to come or stay there as
in Duo, you judge best. Some of your letters are lost
which puts me to no little pain. I expect some gold from
you, perchance that is it Mother Keys [then Superior in
Rome] kept the last post, to send more safely by the next>
but that can only speak of Sicilian business. I marvel very
much mine are still so long ere they come to you, but ray
desires are too swift, and thence comes the wonder. You
and yours pray for me.
May 27, 1627.
Mary was to go by water to Vienna, that is by
the Danube, taking Barbara Babthorpe and some
others with her. They were to stop at Passau and
Linz on their way, and Mary therefore obtained from
Father Adam Contzen, Rector of the Jesuit Fathers
in Munich, letters to the Fathers in those towns,
asking them for further introductions for her in
Vienna. It appears from these letters that Mary
had brought with her to Munich communications
from the General Father Mutius Vitelleschi to the
Fathers there, in which he had commended the
English Ladies to their good offices as worthy in
Father General Vitelleschi s words. 245
every way of encouragement and help. Father
Contzen writes that he had quoted the General's
words to the Elector and Electress, and he now tells
the Rectors at Passau and Linz, that the General
"very much commends Mary, her companions, their
Institute, and the fruit thence resulting, saying that
they are of singular virtue, integrity, and industry,
and that it is incredible what fruit they produce in
the Church by perfectly instructing young girls in
piety." These letters speak also of the favour in
which they stand with Maximilian and the Electress,
and he asl;s the Fathers to whom they are written
to " commend them as of the best stamp, and true,
genuine handmaids of Christ, in Vienna," where he
hopes they will make their work greatly appreciated.
The acquaintance which resulted through this corre-
spondence with Father Lemormain, the Jesuit Father
who was the Emperor's confessor, was of great benefit
to Mary and her Sisters. He became a kind friend
who in time of their greatest need did not desert
them.
The most important among Mary's introductory
letters in Vienna was, however, that addressed by
Maximilian to his brother-in-law and ally, Ferdinand
II. This letter, intended to act as her credentials on
her first audience, was written in consequence in a
stiff, semi-official style.'" x ..^ Ert.;tor asks of Ferdi-
nand to give to Mary and her Institute the same
favour and assistance which he has himself bestowed
' An official copy, in ancient Court German hand and language,
is in the Archives at Nymphenburg, Another is in the Government
Archives at Munich.
246 Foundations made by Ferdinand.
upon both. He tells of the foundation he has granted
to them in Munich, and praises the holy, blameless
life and labours of the Sisters, and especially those
of Mary herself, in the highest terms. All these
letters bear the same date, June 20, 1627 ; Mary
therefore probably left Munich on her journey to
Vienna immediately afterwards.
The foundation in the Imperial city, though short-
lived only, is spoken of by the English Virgins them-
selves as one of the most flourishing of the Institute.
Mary Ward had no sooner arrived, than the Emperor
told her at once to choose whatever house she liked
in Vienna for a residence for the community and for
the schools to be attached to it. Knowing the incon-
veniences which an old building such as the Para-
deiser House had brought to them, Mary made her
selection from among the more newly-erected man-
sions in the city. Its spacious size may be gathered
from the numbers of families then inhabiting it, no
less than eighteen, we are told ; and their removal
causing some delay, Ferdinand became impatient to
see the new Institute at work. He stopped his
intended journey with the Court to Prague, " pro-
testing, as he was Emperor, he would not go until
Mary and her Sisters were in possession." He spared
no expense to fulfil his word, and finally they were
publicly installed, by his Chancellor and Great Cham-
berlain, in the palace Mary had chosen, while at the
same time he settled upon them a yearly revenue,
and assured them of his continued protection and
assistance. The schools were immediately opened,
and as quickly filled with children — day-pupils of
Prosperity of the House. 247
every station in life — who soon amounted in number
to between four and five hundred, besides the boarders
in the house, who were from among the best families
of Vienna. The inhabitants, from the highest to the
lowest, including as yet the ecclesiastical authorities,
were untired in their praises of the English Ladies
and their Institute.
Thus the year 1627 passed rapidly forward, more
free from exterior troubles to both than had been
their lot in those immediately preceding. The days
were full, however, of toils and cares for Mary herself,,
in the incessant calls upon her for bodily and mental
exertion, arising from the commencement of two
such foundations as those of Munich and Vienna.
But no urgency of present business, no pressure of
correspondence and intercourse with the large number
of persons with whom she was brought in contact,
made her relax in the attention which with watchful
eye she ever kept over the interests of those absent
from her in her other Houses. She heard from them
every week, writing in return by Mother Elisabeth
Cotton's hand, sending copies of what would interest
them, and adding herself words of counsel and
encouragement when she saw needful, or with regard
to matters of personal detail concerning individuals
among them. In this way she writes to Winefrid ia
September, respecting the younger sister, whose
future vocation had been an object of anxiety for so
long to both, and who, it would appear, had been an,
inmate of Mary's house in England as a postulant, or
novice :
248 Ellen Wigmore.
Your sister Ellen is come to Gant, accompanied with
another gentlewoman. Your father hath sold land to pay
your sister Ellen her portion, and without any word or
reference at all to me, she puts herself at Gant. I have
sent her a dismission. Jesus send "her well to do. It seems
she passed by St. Omers, and Mother Anne Campian gave
her, they say, a sound chapter, but that she little cared for.
The admonition was not without its fruit, how-
ever, for Ellen went on to Antwerp, and there entered
the Carmelite Order* in the same House with Mother
Teresa Ward, Mary's sister, where she did well.
To Mother Frances Brooksby, who was acting
temporarily as Superior at Cologne, since the depar-
ture of the Sisters sent to Munich, Mary writes in
the following month, praising the care and pains she
is bestowing on the House where she is stationed.
To Mother Cicely Morgan, another of Mary's con-
stant correspondents, she also writes from Vienna,
to encourage her in "her fidelity and zeal in ad-
vancing the young ones " of the community. As the
scholars pressed into the schools day by day, Mary's
anxious desire for the increase of efficient members of
the Institute grew in like measure. In Winefrid Wig-
more she found one eminently suited for the task of
guiding those newly entered upon the way of perfec-
tion, and forwarding them in the mental culture so
requisite for their vocation of educating children.
Mary may have had in view the arrangement of a
Novitiate House for the whole Institute at a future
* Ellen, or Helen Wigmore, was professed at Antwerp in 1628, as
Sister Helen of the Holy Cross, and was a lay-sister, by her own
choice. She was then twenty-nine years of age.
Letter to Naples, 249
time, of which Winefrid should be the head. She
strengthens her frequently in her good work, as her
own time permits, leading her both to meet present
hindrances with a brave spirit and to look beyond
to the great Giver of all good for the fruit which
should result from her labours.
I am sorry you have no more novices. Father Jeronimo
Marchese, and some other such, will prevent this happiness
so long as God shall permit, but all that is not in and for
Him will pass away with time, and if God send me life to
see Naples once more, we will see who shall overcome.
And again :
Your weekly letters are most welcome, and it troubles
me I have not time to tell you of many things which often
occur touching the practice and managing of the novices of
ours, which would give you much content and understanding
of the best for time to come. But God, I trust, will provi-
dently dispose in this as His Goodness doth in all else.
Meanwhile, I hope for great fruit and help by those you
have or shall assist in that kind, and therefore am con-
tinually anxious you have no more. I have proposed to
Mother Superior the acceptance of Anuna, her sister, which
is already in your House, and one from Rome that hath the
skill of painting, if she have so much grace as to take to our
course. I will now write to Mother Elisabeth Keys about
this latter. The worst is they have not to find themselves
for the time of their noviceship, but not to have fit people,
in so large a field and abundant harvest as everywhere
attends ours, is the want of wants, and this cannot be fully
apprehended where the bitterness of it is not the most
experienced. Mother Elisabeth Cotton , hath a terrible
double tertian : why do you not obtain health for her ? I
will now commend a business to your faithful performance.
250 Invitation to Presbu7'g.
I would have Cecilia and Catharina to begin out of hand to
learn the rudiments of Latin, fear not their loss of virtue by
that means, for this must and will be so common to all as
there will be no cause of complaining. I fear they work at
the Roman Antipendium, and that I would not have hin-
dered, but what time can be otherwise found besides their
prayer, let it be bestowed on their Latin. Vale, my mother.
Commend me to Mother Jane Brown most heartily. What
doth she with erysipelas now? Perchance that was the
fruit of her fasts, which is like to make an end of that
devotion. Vienna, lober i, 1627.
But the rapid progress of events again obliged
Mary to postpone whatever views she may have had
for the general good of the Institute in employing
Mother Winefrid's powers to the best advantage. It
was in the latter end of the year 1627, that Cardinal
Pazmanny, Archbishop of Brunn and Metropolitan of
Hungary, applied to Mary Ward in behalf of the
needs of the city of Presburg. This city was inhabited
by as many Calvinists as Catholics, and in Mary's
Institute the Cardinal saw better means than in strin-
gent Imperial edicts for reclaiming the population
from the errors which had gained too firm a hold
among them for legislation alone to unloose. The
Calvinists were clear-sighted enough to take the same
view also, and a violent opposition was forthwith set
on foot to the admission of Mary and her Sisters as
residents in Presburg. Half the city council were
followers of Luther and Calvin, and they did not
scruple, in the public discussions which were held
upon the affair, to argue that such education as the
English Ladies would give would be the greatest hurt
Cardinal Pazmanny. 251
to these sects, as their daughters would certainly
become Catholics. If ever subsequently they were
married to Protestants, the management of families
depending on the women, the next generation would
follow their mothers' example, and Calvinism would
die out.
But Cardinal Pazmanny had well considered his
ground and chances of success before bringing his
design forward. He was a man whose sterling
character and qualities gave him great influence with
those who differed from him in religious belief.
Already eminent in his Order, that of the Society of
Jesus, he was raised by the Holy See to the primacy
of Hungary and to the Cardinalate. Besides great
force of character and wisdom, he possessed a re-
markable gift of eloquence, which in his dealings
with Protestants was tempered by great charity and
"unalterable gentleness," and a tender consideration
for the difficulties which surrounded souls living in a
social atmosphere of error. He had himself, but a
few years subsequently, personally induced fifty Hun-
garian families to abandon their heretical opinions
and return to the Catholic faith. At a later date than
that we are now considering, his whoie weight was
given to the side of leniency in the Emperor's coun-
cils. He said to Ferdinand, that if the Catholic
religion were but preserved in its purity by the
Catholics themselves, religious liberty might be safely
granted to others by the State.
In the instance before us, the patience and the
judicious manner in which Cardinal Pazmanny met
the violence and the argfuments of the Calvinists at
L/
252 Count Adolph Althan.
length gained the day, and the desired permission
was passed by the votes of the Council, " to his inex-
pressible consolation," says Winefrid. Mary, there-
fore, accompanied by Barbara Babthorpe, and three
other Sisters, two of whom were Germans, and the
third the Italian named Ursula, who came with Mar-
garet Genison from Naples, went immediately to
Presburg. The Cardinal provided a house for them,
■which, however, as was generally their lot in these
early foundations, was somewhat wanting in repair,
and they took possession, opening schools for all
classes at once.
Meantime, through one of the numerous friends
whom Mary had drawn around her in Vienna,
an opportunity was offering for a further settlement
in Ferdinand's dominions. Count Adolph Michael
Althan, a noble of great virtue and merit, occupied
a high position at the Austrian Court. He was a
Bohemian, the favourite of the Emperor, had been
converted from Lutheranism to the Catholic faith,
and besides being one of Ferdinand's Privy Council,
was also a Field Marshal, and the Commandant of
the fortress at Raab, He had learned to know and
value Mary Ward and her companions through their
introduction to the Emperor, and his veneration of
the former grew with his knowledge of her virtues,
and was further increased by the favour he received
from Almighty God by means of her prayers. The
Count was dangerously ill of gout, which spreading
%o his head had deprived him for long of the power
of sleep and threatened his life. Through twelve
hours' continuous prayer of Mary and her community
Promised Foundation at Prague. 253
he was suddenly cured, after* a sound sleep. During
this sleep he had a remarkable dream, in which two
of the English Ladies appeared to him. He woke
up with health restored to him, and despatched the
glad nevv's to the Institute house.
It is not surprising that the good Count should
seek on his recovery to forward the establishment
of the English Ladies in Bohemia, his native country.
Ferdinand entered warmly into this design, and with
his consent, Count Althan promised them a house
and a church in Prague, the capital, and an income
to support thirty persons. With two fresh founda-
tions to provide for, Mary had once more to consider
her own resources as to Sisters fitted for fulfilling
the duties of these great works. That at Prague
.she perhaps already foresaw might bring trouble with
it, and the necessity of placing at its head some one
upon whose discretion and full knowledge of her own
mind she could perfectly rely, determined her upon
sending, at any rate temporarily, for Mother Winefrid
from Italy. The summons w^as therefore sent at the
^lose of the year 1627. Winefrid was to choose
her own companion for the journey ; and early in
February, 1628, we find Mary writing a warm welcome
to meet her on her arrival at Rome, with commissions
for her to bring thence northwards.
Dear Winn, — You are welcome to Rome, I have long
thought how I would delight myself in mine that should
meet you there, which now God knows I cannot do, you
will easily believe me. Come to Monaco, thereof till I
hear from you and you from me my poor prayers you shall
have daily, and some of others that will more help and
254 Wine f rid called to Mtmick.
stead you. Those books I wrote to you of and mantles
fail not to bring with you, if you can commodiously. If
you get a hundred or two medals blessed of the pardon of
the five Saints,'' they would be a great pleasure here, and a
box of Agnus Deis uncovered, nothing could come more
welcome. My faithful friend and most dear cousin Wi :
will help you with this if he can, tell him I beg some of
him, and remember myself a thousand times to him. Vale
my mother, Jesus, Jesus keep and conduct you. Vienna,
Feb. 9, 1628. I long to know who is your companion.
As Winefrid doubtless followed faithfully the
example of her friend and mother, and travelled on
foot in as poor a garb and with as slender means
as to food and lodging, it was not until the month
of May, that Mary again wrote a welcome to meet
her, this time at Munich. She had shortly before
gone to Prague herself, and already the symptoms
of coming troubles were showing themselves in too
marked a manner to be mistaken. A disastrous crisis
was at hand. Mary as usual meets her troubles with
an .undaunted spirit, and spends only a few short
words on them. Their history, when these words will
be quoted, will be further entered upon in the next
•chapter.
You know I would bid you welcome a thousand times
if that were needful, but neither will I as much as thank
you for yours so divers so grateful letters, though they
were not a little comfort. Where God will place you as
yet I know not, neither whether here at Prague we shall
have a beginning or not, a foundation I would say, for I
am resolved that either we will be here on very good terms
' St. Ignatius, St. Francis Xavier, St. Philip Neri, St. Isidore,
St. Teresa, canonized a few years before.
Mary at Prague, 255
or not at all. There wants no work for ours in these parts.
By Mo. Elis, Cotton, to Mother Rectrice you will see some-
what how the world passes but never all or the twentieth
part till we meet. If I were sure here would not be a
College I would this very post send for Mo. Rectrice [Mary
Poyntz] to me and leave yourself Vice-R. there at Monaco
for one month. The next post, by God's help, I will
determine this business, aye or no . . . My Mother, how
much Dutch [Deutsch] have you ? Oh, that you could
speak that language but indifferent well, what would I give
on that condition. Do your best with your usual diligence
and God will help, for Whose honour that particular so
very much imports. Vale, pray for poor me and look to
your best cousin [Mary Poyntz] her health. What a world
is this where one good must hinder another.
Prague, May 6, 1628.
The state of things still continuing doubtful at
Prague, Mary carried out the arrangement she speaks
of in this letter. Winefrid was installed as Vice-
Superior at Munich, and Mary Poyntz went to
Prague for change of air. In the month of June
matters appeared mending, and Mary writes :
I have been so long prating about your College here in
Prague, as that there remains no time for the abundance of
letters I have now to write by this post. This very day it
is concluded that we have the church designed us by the
Emperor, but with some little restriction, which will wear
out in short time. In some time this work will up, and so
soon as the Rectrice of Monaco returns [Mary Poyntz] which
will be some month hence, you with your mission must come
towards Prague. I have abundance to say, but no head
nor time : good Winn have care of health and that all go as
well in that College as you can. Comfort and recreate
256 Letter frojji Presbtirg.
Madame [the Electress] ; send those three for Vienna as
soon as possibly you can. Jesus send you have money
enough to send them with, for it imports greatly they be
there with what speed conveniently may be.
Prague, June 10, 1628.
But though troublous times were threatening both
in Munich and Prague, the foundation at Presburg
was showing good signs of prosperity and stability.
The English Ladies had won the esteem of the
Catholic inhabitants, and were in high favour with
the Cardinal Archbishop and those depending on
him. A letter of Barbara Babthorpe's written in July,
gives, besides many little touches of community life,
a graphic picture of the fortunes and necessities of
a young conventual settlement in a foreign land, even
amidst friends. There is no address, but the contents
show it to have been written to Winefrid Wigmore,
but lately arrived from Rome.
I thank you most heartily for your fine relation. God
was your conductor. It is ordinarily seen that obedience
is a speedy convoy, but is it possible the dark clouds of
simplicity had so dimmed the illuminated mind of that
holy man you mention, as to so far make him degenerate
from love and worth at parting? Oh, to none out of our
own is it granted to understand the fulness of the hidden
sweetness of that pious practice, and would God all did
know it as it is, that ought rather to die than to do
otherwise, time and the example of yourself and other our
zealous Italians will facilitate much this point. Beg, I
beseech you, that I may never again fall into that blindness,
and be grateful to my good God that hath delivered me
out of all such dangerous occasions and companions.
Concerning our businesses here in Presburg. Our house
i
Schools at Presburg. 257
is now in fitting, I would say in covering, for all the top is
pulled down, and the beams laid on, but not yet covered,
and the rain will not expect {sic) until we can have it ended,
and the old parts of the house is in accommodating, to
make it more fit for our use, but not likely yet to be built
anew, for the Archbishop wants money, so in meantime
ordained it should be pulled down and made anew the
top, that we might sit dry at home. His Illme. came to
Presburg upon St. Peter's day. I saluted him by an
Italian brief letter to welcome, to give him the good feast,
his name being Peter. This poor letter brought us six
hundred dollars.
Concerning our schools, as I told his Illme., so I cannot
tell yourself better than that we have scholars away, for the
poor goes to work in the vineyards, the rich comes uncon-
stantly, so as how many we have we cannot tell, for they
were here altogether by the ovations ; but as he said, so we
find by experience^ that we must have patience for the first
few months. Said he, " They are very backward here and
ignorant, so as the chiefest thing for you needful yet is
patience, and before they will come to learn," said he,
"these better works, you will have exercised with them
great patience." His Illme., I was with him, desired to
see our samplers, so I sent for them, and upon them he
said the latter.
His Illme. is very solicitous we should have Hungarish
[Hungarians] amongst us, saying if he knew of any that did
desire it, he would himself help them and protect their
means, and oppose against whosoever should hinder. He
hath commanded the Preposito hath care and labour that
he can, to find out some that are rich and hath lands and
goods, that we may so found. Himself hath a true fatherly
heart towards us, but not so much means as to do what he
desires, for he is now a building a College for the Fathers
in another place in High Hungary. He doth general good.
R 2
258 Gifts from Friends.
His affection for us is most tender, for we ask him nothing,
only give thanks for what we have, which pleaseth his lUme.
much, he not loving a craving disposition. As he once said
to the Preposito, " I am the more careful to help them, and
hold a greater memory of them than I should, because they
ask nothing, casting away then the memory the Fathers here
had put me up of what they wanted." You will think this
hath taught me a lesson not to be too forward to ask, for
indeed it is not needful. The Preposito is very familiar in
our house and seeth all we want, so what is needful he doth
and will provide us. We have silent good friends. Yesterday
I had eight dollars sent me, three chickens, and a little pot
of milk from one lady ; from another lady one ton of malt
and four hard stones of salt, which here is very dear, so as
God is liberal unto us, if we were half as much with Him,
how happy asking must it be ! Beg, dear Mother, we may
not be wanting to do the most we are asked for His sake,
and then all other content is inferior to that. Pardon my
tediousness, and pray for me, I beseech you. Maggiora
Ursula [the Italian Sister from Naples], remember her,
sends to you due thanks for your charitable pain with her ;
she wants you to make her spiritual ! All as unknown
remember themselves to you also, and how glad should we
all be to see you at Presburg. I am not out of hope;
whatsoever, not too late, would bring you welcome with
you. So adieu, dear Mother.
Barbara Babthorpe.
July 20, 1628.
CHAPTER IV.
Suspense.
1628.
For several months of the summer and autumn of the
year 1628, Mary Ward was kept in doubt as to whether
she would be able finally to found a house in Prague
or not. But before proceeding with her history, it is
necessary to say a few words with regard to the hin-
drances to her undertaking, which had arisen after she
and her Sisters had gone to reside in the city. The
grant of the church which had been assigned by the
Emperor for the use of the community, may first
have brought openly forward the opposition of the
Archbishop of Prague, Cardinal Harrach, to their set-
tlement there. At least he objected unless the house
was formally placed under his jurisdiction. Hitherto
Mary, in beginning her work of education m any
fresh place out of Rome, had always found a ready
welcome from the ecclesiastical authorities. The
education of the young was a matter of ever-increas-
ing anxiety and responsibility to those who had the
care of souls, especially wherever the followers of
heresy and error of all kinds were growing both in
numbers and power. They had therefore accepted
as a God-send those who were ready to devote a
26o Cardinal Harrach,
holy life, and minds well-cultivated and trained, to
be spent in the cause, leaving the development of
the Institute itself and its future status in the Church
to time and the Providence of God to direct. But,
unfortunately, Cardinal Harrach did not come in
contact with Mary and her Sisters with a mind
unbiassed, and so, ready to receive, in its simple
meaning, what he found in the new Institute which
was strange and uncongenial with the established
usages for cloistered religious. To shrink from any
novelty in religion was natural in those days. He
knew little of the Sisters and their holiness, and no
one can be surprised at his hesitation to admit an
Institute which seemed to violate so many established
traditions, however great might have been the useful-
ness of which its members were capable. The Car-
dinal's devotion to the restoration of the ancient faith
in Bohemia is beyond all doubt.
In vain the Emperor threw his weight into the
scale, while the Bohemian nobility received the pious
strangers with open arms. Cardinal Harrach main-
tained an attitude of even violent opposition, and
drew the Apostolic Nuncio to his views. The public
antagonism of these prelates was in itself a matter
of most anxious import to the prospects of the
Institute, not only in Germany but elsewhere. It
was anything but one accidental untoward circum-
stance among the many which, since Mary entered
Munich, had been so full of bright prosperity. Nor
was it one which time itself might remove, or at
least soften in its consequences. Far beyond this the
effect of this opposition penetrated, and it had already
Father Valerio de Magni. 261
done much to undermine the whole of the structure
which Mary Ward had been so happily organizing
in Northern Europe, and which had gained so ready
a place in the hearts of the German people. But
its origin has to be looked for in another country,
and may again be traced back in many of its details
to those of her own land and people, who had hitherto
been chiefly instrumental in preventing the consolida-
tion of the Institute.
Mary, to whom so much was freely written from
a distance, was doubtless not in ignorance that a
noted Capuchin friar of that time. Father Valerio
de' Magni, had, since she left Rome, taken up the
cause against her. Knowing her, her work, and her
companions, only through the reports of others, and
foremost amongst these the tales set in motion by
the English Clergy Agents, he had not hesitated for
some time past to attack them publicly in the pulpit
in Italy, in Milan, Rome, and elsewhere, where he
was preaching to large audiences. He is variously
spoken of either as a Milanese or a Pole by birth.
The latter report probably arose, from his being con-
nected with North Germany and Poland as Provincial
of his Order in those countries, whither he seems to
have come direct from Rome, carrying with him a
^'ct.-dX^x prestige, as being appointed by Urban VIII.,
Apostolic Missioner of the whole of those districts.
We learn from the English Ladies themselves, that
" he said things of them in public which were entirely
contrary to truth." They give as an instance, an
assertion he made to show their carelessness as to
religion, that they never had a church attached to
262 Cardinal Klessel.
any of their houses for the use of the community
and the children taught by them. So far was this
from being the case, that not only had they churches,
but the Blessed Sacrament reserved and Mass daily
said in many of them. They call upon Monsignore
Montorio, who had been Legate in Bohemia itself, to
witness to this fact, in a memorial drawn up by them
for the Pope, since he had frequently attended their
churches.
But Father Valerio did not confine his strictures
to these more harmless assertions.^ He went on to
further more personal and injurious accusations, with
which our readers are already well acquainted, and
which need not therefore be repeated here. Such
influence, however, had this Capuchin Father, so
convinced was he of the justice of what he was
saying, and so well and plausibly did he tell his
history, that he entirely gained the confidence
of Cardinal Harrach with regard to the English
Ladies. The Cardinal was persuaded to with-
draw his acquiescence to their establishment at
Prague, and communicated his dissatisfaction to the
Archbishop of Vienna, Cardinal Klessel, although
he had at first offered no difficulties to the
foundation in his own city. Some question had
occurred as to the jurisdiction to be exercised
by the Archbishop over the community at Vienna,
and recalling all that Father Valerio had brought
^ By a striking permission of Providence Father Valerio was
himself imprisoned on a charge of heresy a few years subse-
quently, and was only released by the personal interposition of
Ferdinand III.
Appeal to Rome. 263
from Italy against its members, Cardinal Klessel
wrote off to the Pope, relating the case, and asking
for directions. The cause of the new Institute had be-
come a vexed question at Rome. Far more extensive
and more important matters were involved in the
decision, whether its struggle into existence should
be cut short or not. Those who had to rule in these
matters had long been placed in exceeding difficulty
in guiding them. The objections arising from the
novelty of the leave for which Mary and her com-
panions pleaded, and from the large nature of her
pretensions, had added to their difficulties. The
Holy See had to act in one direction or in the other,
and the choice was by no means easy. To many of
Urban's advisers, nothing more was in question than
the putting a stop to the supposed inspirations of a
few pious women, to do a work which, however good
in itself, was far beyond what their sex was called to.
Let them serve God in some other fashion more
suitable to approved usages. The reasons pressing
against their acceptance were far too grave and
weighty to be set aside out of personal favour. Even
the more liberal among these advisers, who in their
measure esteemed Mary and her plans, might with
good reason think that the opposition to them was
too violent, and that the time for sanction was not
yet come.
Mary Ward knew in a measure what was going
on both at Rome and elsewhere. But she did not
know all. She writes from Prague in May to
Winefrid, when welcoming her to Munich : " Here
will be fine times, a great persecution in all likelihood
264 Mary's partial knowledge.
is at hand by occasion of the Cardinal Archbishop
of this place, and the Nuncio, as also the Cardinal
Archbishop of Vienna, their letters to the Pope,
holding what jurisdiction they should have over ours,"
&c. She foresaw in some degree the consequences
likely to follow. But she did not know then, that
a month before she wrote these words, a Particular
or Private Congregation had been held in the Vatican,
called by Urban, at which four Cardinals were present,
when it was decided that measures should be taken,
through the Legates in the various countries, to break
up the houses of the Institute, and thus prevent the
necessity for the issue of a Papal Bull. For this
purpose the Nuncio at Vienna was to confer with
the Emperor and Empress, his confessor and Council,
and the Legate at Brussels was to proceed in like
manner with the Archduchess Isabella concerning
Flanders. Nothing further was done in bringing
this decision into action for three months. Mary
did not know its extreme nature for some time,
and then perhaps only as a private matter. She
did not give up any opportunity for further work,
or relax any regulation which touched on the
religious form of her Institute. She went quietly
on her way as usual, even in spite of other
troubles breaking out where she least expected
them, and felt them most keenly, namely, in Munich
itself.
Of these new anxieties, Mary writes to Winefrid
in the letter already quoted. "All the world and Hell
itself is busied to disgrace that College of Monaco,
and to bring these Princes out of love with ours.
The Bishop of Bayreuth. 265
which would be indeed the greatest loss ever came
to ours. But it will not be, though those 'Jerusalem'
hath assured all theirs here that place is in disgrace
and will shortly fail." This violent agitation appear-
ing suddenly in the hitherto calm atmosphere of
Munich, arose, like many other such, from what
promised well at first. The Bishop of Bayreuth had,
when in that city, become acquainted with the English
Virgins and their Institute. Perceiving the value of
a system of education and way of life such as theirs,
and their suitability to the German character, he
entertained the wish of transplanting a large number
of devoted women, three hundred it is said, belong-
ing to a half-formed Ursuline Congregation, into the
Institute. Their houses in his diocese, just as they
stood, were to become houses of the Institute.
The plan was in any case very hazardous. But to
this proposal the Bishop added the condition, that
these ladies should be at once considered as pro-
fessed members of the Institute, without passing
through any previous novitiate, and to this Mary
Ward could not agree. She foresaw, however, the
probable consequences of a refusal. It was in vain
that she gave good and solid reasons why the
ordinary laws of the Church in such cases should
not be departed from. The Bishop's confessor and
the confessor of the Ursulines, though themselves
religious, would hear of nothing else, and on her con-
tinued refusal to receive these ladies except on trial,
were exceedingly offended. Mary's firmness on this
point raised so bitter an animosity in them, that they
protested finally that they would leave no stone un-
266 An offer refused.
turned to deprive her and her Institute of every friend
they had in Bavaria and Austria.
Nor was this a merely empty threat, for the Bishop
and those connected with him stood well in every
respect at Court. They went, therefore, to the
Elector, and endeavoured to enlist his sympathies on
their side, begging, in case Mary Ward did not submit
to their views, that he would take away whatever he
had granted to the English Virgins — the Paradeiser
Haus, their yearly revenue, and above all, and what
was of greater value still, his favour and friendship.
In making these requests, however, they mistook,
as we shall see, Maximilian's character. Mary
Poyntz, being the Superior in Munich, had in
the first instance received their offers, and Mary's
answers passing also through her, she was not only
the recipient of the violent retorts of the applicants,
but had also to bear the full brunt of their personal
displeasure. The controversy went on for many
weeks, and she suffered seriously in health through
the anxiety consequent, for truly, as Mary had said,
the loss of the Elector's favour would have been the
greatest they had yet experienced. In July, when
Barbara Babthorpe wrote to Winefrid, it had not yet
ended, but Mary Ward had called away the victim
to recruit her strength at Prague, leaving whatever
conciliatory measures could be taken to Winefrid, on
whose skill and prudence in such matters she could
rely.
Harassing as this kind of petty warfare must
always be to those who have to endure it, the burden
was light indeed to Mary, compared with her suspense
The spoiled wine. 267
as to all that was passing in Rome. Calmly as she
was bearing it, the scanty knowledge she possessed
had a terrible effect upon her physical frame. Illness
however had, with her, to take forcible hold of her
feeble strength, before it became any reason for re-
laxation in daily work. Pain obliged her to lay aside
her pen in the midst of a letter to Winefrid, whom
.she addresses as Vice-Rectrice, after Mary Poyntz
had left Munich to join Mary at Prague. She begins
by saying : " I must be your debtor till God sends
me some better health, which I hope will be by the
next." This letter then reveals, after Mary Ward's
fashion, an incident which Father Lohner mentions in
somewhat a different manner. The beer and wine
had turned sour, and " thick as ditch-water," in the
cellar at the Institute House at Munich, and Winefrid
would seem to have gone down, and in a spirit of
faith, dipped into the barrels a cross, or thunder-stone,
as such were called in those days, which Mary used
to wear round her neck. On this the whole of the liquor
became immediately clear and sweet and drinkable.
Mary throws back the matter as if due to Winefrid,
who had told it to her. " Your care and discretion
in sending those persons [to Vienna] will I assure
you have its peculiar reward. But are you become a
brewer or maker of wines, or to say better, a worker
of miracles } God's holy Providence was very par-
ticular on that occasion, God make us truly grateful.
Had I known your beer and wine had been so bad, it
would have troubled me more than a little. Health,
my Mother, is of importance, take care according,
both in yourself and others." Father Lohner, in
268 Mary at Eger.
attributing this history to Mary herself, writes as if
her own hand had dipped the cross into the barrel.^
Mary continues : " My chest aches so much I will
bid you farewell for this time. I suppose Madame
[the Electress] hath sent for you ere this ? I shall at
your leisure hear what passed with her Altezza. Let
me be remembered in most particular manner to Mr.
Doctor Hansloy" [Onslow, a canon of Munich]. At
length, some time in July, a violent attack of Mary's
old malady supervened, which brought her very near
death. Her sufferings were great, and to regain some
degree of health, when sufficiently recovered for the
journey, she left Prague to take a course of mineral
waters at Eger,^ a well-known place of resort for
invalids, in the Bohmer Wald, the range of mountains
which separate Bohemia from the north of Bavaria.
The broken health of both Mother Mary Poyntz and
Elisabeth Cotton, who had suffered long from fever,
made her more willing to submit to this temporary
absence from community life, that they also might
benefit from the waters of Eger. The party consisted
besides, as Mary has herself noted, of Mother Cicely
Morgan and Anne Turner, a faithful lay-sister, who
was to be the privileged witness and solace of many
of her future days of suffering and hardship. To this
time, shortly after their arrival at Eger, must be
attributed a few cheerful lines without date written
by Mary, ever mindful of the absent, on the back of a
letter of Elisabeth Cotton to Winefrid. They were,
perhaps, the first she had written since her recovery,
- Gottseliges Leben, Father T. Lohner, p. 200.
3 Now called Franzenbad, and still much frequented.
After her illness. 269
for she says : " God reward you and all with you for
your prayers, I hope I shall yet live to serve you all,
though I am somewhat weak. I am glad you are
better, your Deutsch will come, your diligence I
know. Commend me to all. Mother Frances
[Brooksby], hers hath made good recreation to us all,
and Mother Winn Bedingfield, hers is also fit to be
read in the drinking such sour waters ! Vale."
Mother Elisabeth writes : "Her fever is not wholly
gone, but is less, and not constant, but now and then,
according as indispositions of weather and all else
causes.. Her weak body is soon mended. I hope all
will pass well now, let your confidence be great, good
Mrs. Winefrid, and fear nothing. To Mother Frances
a thousand of dearest remembrances. Her pleasant
letter made dear Mother merry."
Mary took advantage of this short time of repose
and temporary separation from daily toil, as a pause
which God had given her, a retreat, as it might
prove, for her spiritual profit, when she could take a
review of her life, and lay her soul before Him in
relation to the external position of responsibility in
which His Providence had placed her. She had been
at the gates of the grave. With one less advanced in
the ways of God than Mary Ward, the -mind, in rising
once more from a bed of sickness, might naturally
have turned to the pressing anxieties which she had
to take back upon her. But the value of worldly
things, whether in prosperity or adversity, had, with
death before her, faded to an insignificant point, and
her thoughts were fixed rather upon the light in
which all her difficulties and responsibilities were
270 Review of life.
regarded by God in His strict judgment, than upon
the way in which she was to face the plentiful measure
still in store for her. As to things of earth, confidence
and trust in God had become, as it were, a second
nature to her, springing from the perfect union of her
will with His will.
Father Tobias Lohner* says of Mary Ward, that
"in almost every occurrence, whether pleasurable or
painful, she was drawn without any self-seeking to
contemplate God only, and to have no wish for any-
thing but what He willed and because He willed it
And this was not sleepily and by the way, but with
full desire and peace of soul, so that she confessed
with much simplicity, that she could find no true
satisfaction in any other thing, but in the most holy
will of God alone." Her confidence in Him then was
strong and serene. She knew well from past experi-
ence that He could give strength and light for the
hour of trial. In confidence again of being heard,
she could calmly ask for both, but there was no need
in her to turn to and fro in anxious doubt and fear as
to the future. It was her own fidelity to the abund-
ance of God's good inspirations, and to that grace to
perform them, ever ready in His hand to give, which
was now pressed inwardly upon her as a subject for
quiet but searching examen and correction with
regard to any failure in perfect correspondence on
her part. All lay mapped out before her : the past,
the present, in a measure, perhaps, the future, as the
whole lay open before the gaze of the Controller and
Ruler of every the least event, and as to the immense
* Gottsdiges Leben, p. 388.
Mary's Resolutions. 271
glory of God to be either gained or frustrated by the
actors in each. She was herself being taught a deeper
lesson, the same in kind as that she had impressed
on others, as to the careful instruction of the new
subjects of the Institute — "God will not be served
except by good ones ; " and she opened her heart
wide to receive the humbling yet enlightening inspi-
ration. She rose above every suffering, or harassing
obstacle, of whatever kind, which beset her path, to the
exceeding goodness of God in choosing her as His
instrument, and cast herself in humiliation and fer-
vent resolution for time to come, before Him. Mary
had been invoking the especial intercession of our
Blessed Lady in these meditations, and her tender
devotion to her led her to place the new light and
grace, and all which was to grow out of them, under
her immediate patronage, and to offer the whole to
her, whose honour and whose favour were most dear
to her. She wrote down her resolutions as follows :
Notes. August 20, 1628. St. Bernard and St. Hya-
cinthus their day. A great clear and quiet light or know-
ledge of what God doth, in and by His creatures (my poor
self especially), and what they are or do towards and for
Him : and these two parts, and the properties of both, so
distinctly as my ignorance cannot express.
I will begin to amend my life (God's grace assisting),
that I may be worthy to do what God out of His immeasur-
able bounty and goodness would have done by me, and this
amendment I will now take in hand in honour of our
Blessed Lady.
Here I had a clear sight of the much good hindered,
prolonged, and perchance wholly and for ever lost, with
greatest ingratitude to God, Who through immense love so
272 Our Lady's Favours.
ordained, and endless detriment to both doer and receiver :
and this hght was cause of the above-writ purpose of
amendment : and I intended to undertake this work in
honour of our Blessed Lady, because to honour her was
very grateful to God, and because I loved her, and knew,
and had found her very helpful and bountiful to those that
serve her in any little, and so having freewill to do a good,
for what end I would, I gave it her, whom I humbly beseech
to help me in it.
I begin with conformity to God's will when contrary
things happen, especially in all bodily infirmities, in which
particular I am as yet most imperfect.
We shall shortly see the severity of the test by
which Mary's fidelity to this last resolution concerning
her bodily sufferings was proved, and her heroism
under it. The favour shown to her by our Blessed
Lady, of which Mary writes, is noted by her com-
panions as manifested on many occasions, not only
in matters of lesser account, as with regard to health,
want of money, and others, but also in times of
imminent peril or need. An incident which occurred
during Mary's stay at the Baths is illustrative of the
latter, when, having previously placed herself and her
companions under the protection of the Holy Mother
of God, they were delivered in a remarkable manner,
when walking in the woods, from the attacks of
murderers, who infested the neighbourhood of Eger.
, While Mary was at Eger, Winefrid Wigmore re-
ceived a letter at Munich from Father Gerard, written
in answer to more than one she had written to him
since she left Rome, where she had probably seen
him. He had heard, through her and others, both
Letter of Father Gerard. 273
of Mary's severe illness and the critical state of affairs
concerning the Institute in Austria and Bohemia.
Yet he does not seem to be apprehensive of more
than a passing time of trouble, from this renewal of
the attempts to stop its work, and destroy its pros-
perity, though he was then residing in Rome, whence
there was most to fear.
To the Rev. Mother Mrs. Winefrid Campian, Vice-Redrice of
their College in Monachium.
Rev. and dear Mother, — Pax Christi, — I must crave
your pardon for my negligence, in that I have not of so
long time answered your kind letters, written soon after your
arrival at Monachium. That week I received yours, I was
full of business, as I have been divers times since, but I
have also had leisure some other times, if I had not by
negligence forgot it, so that I yield myself faulty, but indeed
not in any want of my best wishes, which 1 am confident
you cannot think, and I am sure you shall never find. We
were all afraid the last week of Mother Chief Superior, but
this week God hath comforted us with the good news of
her recovery. Who I hope will preserve her for many years
to all your comforts and the good of many.
You are, then, for the present very fruitfully employed
in working and promoting your schools of both kinds, that
is, both of exterior qualities and interior perfections. It
would be a comfort to me to know how many you have of
this latter and better kind, and how you find the novices
capable of the high end and perfect means which your
course doth require : and how many you have, and how
many scholars, and whether you teach them any Latin or
music.
These things if you mention in any letter to Mother
Superior here, it will be as much as I can wish, and with
less trouble to yourself I hope those grand crosses which
S 2
274 Letter of Father Gerard.
God did permit to be raised against you by those com-
plaining letters which were written against yoa, will by
God's Providence be allayed, Who will be sure to turn all
such things to the good of His servants — Qui dat nivem
sicut latiani, and make it keep warm the roots of corn and
bring forth a greater harvest in due season. Thus also I
am confident it will prove in all that of your business at
Prague. The time and manner we must leave to God's
Providence.
I pray you to commend me to those of yours who be
of my acquaintance, but especially to my very good daughter
Mrs. Frances Brooksbie and to Mrs. Bedingfield, which two
are indeed very dear unto me in our Lord Jesus, and I
hope they will be very profitable in your company. I pray
you, Mother, remember my service to Rev. Mr. Doctor
Ansloe, and tell him I do forbear often Avriting unto him,
not so much because I write slowly and with pain, with my
shaking hand, as for that Father Rector \vriting the same
things which I should write, my letters would be but a
trouble to him.
Thus wishing you all happiness, I leave you to the Giver
of it.
Rome, this 13th of August, 1628.
Your servant in Christ Jesus,
John Tomson.
Mary derived great temporary benefit from the
waters of Eger, but, on her return to Prague, she
found that her longer stay in Bohemia was likely to
prove fruitless as to ultimate good results. She
therefore gave up all thoughts for the time of opening
a house in the capital,^ and returned in the autumn
® There is now a flourishing house of the Institute at Prague,
founded in 1747 with the consent of the Archbishop. In 1787, the
Emperor Joseph II. gave the nuns the ancient Carmelite convent and
church of St. Joseph, which they still occupy.
The Countess Salvata. ' 275
to Vienna. On her journey both to and from Prague
she stopped at Neuhaus, at the castle of Countess
Slavata, a very holy lady well known at the Austrian
Court for her great sanctity, whom the Emperor
Ferdinand honoured with the title of " Mother." She
was one of the highest in rank of the old Catholic
nobility of Bohemia, and her husband either was, or
was of the same family as, the member of the regency
who just before the breaking out of the Thirty Years'
War, had been thrown out of the castle window at
Prague by the Calvinist deputies, for his zealous
adherence to the faith in opposing their rebellious
designs against their Sovereign. Feeling called to
a life of austerity and prayer, the Countess built a
kind of hermitage for herself, adjoining a monastery
of Franciscans, which she had founded near her castle
at Neuhaus, and retired there, passing her days in
silence and contemplation, sleeping little, and then on
a bed of straw, and eating food but once a day. Full
of interest in every good work for souls, she had heard
of Mary Ward and her new undertakings, and was
seized with an ardent desire to see and converse with
her. She accordingly pressed Mary with such urgent
invitations to stop and visit her on her journey, that
the latter at length consented, and the pious lady
hastened joyfully to receive her, with all the honour
and courtesy which the nobles of that country were
accustomed to show towards each other.
The Countess would not entertain Mary in her
poor hermitage, which doubtless Mary would herself
far have preferred, but, to the astonishment of her
daughter and servant, she returned to the castle for
276 Mary at Presburg.
the time, received Mary at the carriage door on her
arrival, and putting aside the ordinary routine of her
own spiritual exercises, devoted herself to her guest
during the whole of her stay. She had never been
known thus to act even with regard to the Emperor
himself On the second occasion, on Mary's return
journey, seeing the surprise she was causing in all
around her, the holy Countess told them in explana-
tion that she could always pray, but that she could
not always enjoy such intercourse as that which she
had with Mary Ward, and that she considered this
opportunity as one of the greatest graces God had
ever done her. Then addressing her daughter, the
young Countess Lucy Slavata, her only child, she
added : " My child Lucy, if you have either affection
or duty towards me, show them by loving and serving
this servant of God and all hers, wherever you may
find them." Turning also with tears to those standing
round, she said : " It is in punishment of my sins and
those of this kingdom, that she has no foundation in
Prague."
Soon after Mary Ward's return to Vienna, she
went again to Presburg to have some intercourse
with Barbara Babthorpe, and leave all in order in
both these houses, before starting for a still longer
journey which she had in anticipation. It was upon
this visit to Presburg, that a lady who had married
a Hungarian noble. Countess Balvy, showed Mary
Ward and her companions great hospitality as they
were travelling, and insisted on their staying in her
castle instead of remaining in the miserable inn
which was to shelter them. This lady was by
I
i
Firmness under difficulty. 277
birth one of the celebrated Fugger family of
Augsburg.
It was on one of these journeys that, at another
wretched road-side inn, being lodged over the tap-
room, to the alarm of her companions, Mary went
dov/n at a late hour to quiet a swearing, boisterous
party of drinkers, who were intending to carry on
their revel till deep in the night. At her appearance
at the door, every sound was hushed, they stood up,
listened respectfully to her admonition, and slank out
of the house without a word.
On Mary's arrival at Munich in October or Nov-
ember, the question of the affiliation of the religious
ladies under the care of the Bishop of Bayreuth with
the Institute was again canvassed, and Mary, in an
interview with the two confessors, once more ex-
plained her reasons for abiding by her first decision.
No one will probably impugn the wisdom and justice
of this decision, or, on the other hand, fail to be
surprised at the persistency shown in urging so ill-
advised a condition ^s that still brought forward,
which, on the face of it, could be profitable to
none of those whom it chiefly concerned. The
negotiators were, however, led into repeating at this
interview the threats they had before used, of ruining
Mary with every friend she had in Germany. To
this her only reply was : " May God forgive you ! "
She had well considered the results of the stand for
principle which she was making, and chose rather
to risk the loss of temporal goods and earthly friends,
than sacrifice what was far more precious to her,
the spirit of the Institute, or incur the anarchy and
278 Interview with Maximilian.
confusion which would follow such a measure as that
proposed. Her approaching departure from Munich
made an, audience necessary with the Elector, and
she went to him prepared for the worst, but fortified
in her resolutions. Mary was the first to introduce
the subject. In her usual gentle and simple manner
she went straight to the point at issue, telling the
Prince at once that she could not change, and the
reasons why, adding that she knew she was risking
his favour by this course. But Maximilian was far
too just, and too well convinced of the solidity of
Mary's judgment, to doubt or misunderstand her on
this occasion. He recounted to her all that he had
been importuned to do in her regard, and what had
been his answer. "God forbid that he should meddle
with her affairs, God had given her light and prudence
sufficient to guide them." She thanked the Elector
with humility and gratitude, but assured him that
had he yielded to these requests, she should with
tranquillity of mind have restored to him all he
had bountifully bestowed, so clearly did her duty lie
before her.
THE LIFE OF MARY WARD.
BOOK THE SEVENTH.
SUPPRESSION OF THE INSTITUTE.
CHAPTER I.
1628, 1629.
Before the Cardinals.
Mary Ward was once more on her way to Rome.
The events at Prague, and all that she had heard of
what was occurring in the Holy City with regard to
the Institute, had finally determined her to return
thither. But it is hardly possible to suppose that she
had learned the particulars of the decree passed in
July at Rome, and was still lingering in Germany
through the autumn. To one so prompt in action as
she ever was, such delay would have appeared little
less than folly when so much was at stake. The
inefficiency of her information may have been a grave
injury to her in this case, yet we have had ample
reason already to see, that her cause was one which
lay far beyond the power of human efforts to bring to
the issue for which she strove, and that the personal
appeal to the Pope, in which she was about to engage,
was but likely to procure a brief respite, before the
dreaded crisis should arrive.
Mistrustful of herself, Mary Ward ever readily
listened to the opinions of others. Yet it was her lot
to have no one near her, upon whose judgment she
could fully rely, in the singular mission she had to
282 Lack of comisellors.
fulfil. Human passions in some, and in others in-
terests, even such as were holy and good, at variance
with those of the work which she believed God had
given her to do, shortened the number of those in
whom she could confide. It is part of the gift of
spiritual prudence to know with whom to take counsel
in difficulty. There were few who possessed mental
powers and eminent holiness, together with the
knowledge either human or Divine, of the circum-
stances and needs of the times, requisite to estimate
Mary as she was, and grasp the true bearings of
her position. And with these few she could have
scanty intercourse, and by letter only, at the
most critical periods, when either to stand still,
or move in a forward direction, was equally beset
with danger. Such lack of counsel was one of the
trials peculiar to her isolated condition, which Mary
must have felt keenly — how keenly, may perhaps only
be justly appreciated by those called by God's Provi-
dence to partake in a like condition. In the present
instance her former counsellors. Father Gerard and
Father Domenico di Gesu, were both at a distance,
and the time necessary for the transmission of letters
would make their communications of little avail.
With Father Gerard we have seen too that corre-
spondence had again become of a restricted nature.
But whatever other friends Mary took into her
confidence as to her difficulties on this occasion,
whether Cardinal Pazmanny at Presburg, Father
Lemormain or others, we are told that "it was her
general practice, when anything was to be done or
taken in hand, first to pray, and then to impart it to
Severe illness. 283
her companions, and those of hers about her ; and
she was wont to say, there was nobody's opinion but
she found profit by it, more or less, in one thing or
other." She doubtless consulted with Barbara Bab-
thorpe at Presburg, and her other faithful associates
in Vienna and Munich, on the anxious and uncertain
prospects of the Institute, and whether or not to
adopt the only alternative left, as all other human
help was unavailable, of going herself at once to
Rome to the feet of the Holy Father. It may be
that she recalled Father Gerard's advice, not to be in
haste to extend her work too much in Germany, but
to consolidate it where it was likely to flourish, as in
Munich, and his doubts as to the success of appeals
to Urban VIII. But such a choice was no longer
hers, the ground being cut under her feet, through
the very course which Father Gerard had deprecated.
On reaching Munich, Mary may have heard
further news which confirmed her as to her Rome-
ward journey. But however this was, her feeble
bodily powers once more gave way, and she was
thrown into a state of severe and complicated illness,.
the symptoms of which were strange and unusual,
and baffled the skill of the physicians. She could
not stand upright or lie down in bed, but was
bent almost double, while the pain she endured was
so intense, that she never slept except when rocked as,
a child is rocked in a cradle. Nor could she swallow.
any food without immediately rejecting it. In this
state Mary remained more than a month, the doctors
affirming it was impossible she should not die, and
that they could find no natural cause why she still
284 Letter to Frances Brookesby.
lingered on in life day by day. Meanwhile she never
changed her plans as to the journey, nor did she
relax in her care for the affairs of the Institute and
the needs of her companions during her sufferings.
An interval of abatement of pain would find her
occupied with her pen, or transacting business, as
when well, though she could not move from her bed,
or eat or drink or sleep. One of her letters, written
during the height of this illness, remains, to Mrs.
Frances Brookesby, who, having been in Munich for
some months, had left after Mary's arrival, being sent
by her once more to the post of danger, in the midst
of persecutions for the faith in England, where
doubtless Mary was anxious that her Sisters should
not be distressed and alarmed by exaggerated reports
from Rome. It is addressed to Cologne :
These are but only to salute you, for it is passed nine of
the clock at night, and I have eaten no supper, and all this
day and last night I have been worse than for divers days
and nights before. Writing, and other solicitude, casts me
back apace, but I will by degrees moderate, that I may be
able to come to my journey's end before you. I shall long
much to hear of and from you, specially that you are safe
arrived in England. You are accompanied with many
prayers, the worst of which are mine. You have great
cause, in my poor judgment, to have more than ordinary
confidence in the goodness, care, and Providence of God
towards you, and so of all you undergo for His love and
service. Have great care of your health, and only fear to
fear too much. Pray for poor me, who is and always will be,
Yours,
Monaco, Xber 19, 1628. Marv Ward.
Provision for the journey. 285
The new year, 1629, did not find Mary's illness in
any way lessened, but she would put off her departure
for Rome no longer. " Her admirable confidence,"
in God," says Winefrid, " took from her all difficulty
of undertaking whatsoever occurred for God's greater
service, letting no impossibilities appear when God
would ought, in herself or out of herself, her own or
externs, and brought a great facility of resolving and
avoiding delays. Her constant operation was, /;/ spe
contra spein." No considerations of danger, therefore,
to herself would keep her from the contemplated
journey. The doctors believed she would die ere she
left the city gates. The winter was a very severe
one, the cold intense, and an unusual depth of snow
covered the ground. Neither had she any adequate
provision in money or anything else, for the needs of
herself and her companions for the road. As for
Mary herself, hers " consisted in a little bag of oat-
meal for thin water-gruel, which she drank with a
little salt, and this, the only food she tasted during
the journey, was rejected again in half an hour," as in
her previous sufferings when confined to her bed.
Yet in spite of all — weather, infirmities, sufferings,
poverty, danger — Mary set out from Munich, "with
as great tranquillity, joy, and magnanimity, as if in
perfect health, and had what might ease and please
nature." Her fellow-travellers appear to have been
Winefrid Wigmore, Elisabeth Cotton, Anne Turner,
the lay-sister, and her two faithful friends, the Rev.
Henry Lee and Robert Wright.
Mary hung between life and death as they jour-
neyed, yet such was her calmness and equanimity,
286 Between life and death.
and so great her self-command, that those with her
did not realize her danger. The symptoms of extreme
pain, sickness, and sleeplessness remained as before,
and she acknowledged afterwards that she was fre-
quently in a state of uncertainty whether she ought
to ask for Extreme Unction or not. Had she con-
sulted her own wishes, she would have made known
her desires, but fearing to alarm and distress her com-
panions, she said nothing, for she saw that they did
not perceive any change in her, nor the peril she was
in. "They asked her once, ' if she thought she should
reach Rome alive .<* ' She replied, ' that there was
more appearance she should not, than that she should,
neither did it import her where she died, in her bed,
or under a hedge, so it were in her fidelity to God.'
That * she had made several general confessions, and
lately one for her last, her daily Communions had
been for many years for her last ; for the rest she was
sure, lived she or died she, she served a good Master.'
Thus disposed in mind and body, through God's
goodness," adds Winefrid, " she ended her journey
with life, but with pains of many deaths."
Mary had so arranged her route as to pass
by Loreto to Rome, and God gave her strength to
spend some time in devotion in the Holy House,
notwithstanding her illness and suffering. But when
she reached the house in Rome, she had to be
carried up to her bed, and there she was forced to
remain for three weeks, " nor," says her friend, " was
there any reason why she ever rose, but that God
would have it so for His service." But though thus
prostrate as to all bodily power, Mary's mental ener-
Mary's biography. 287
gies were the same as ever. Doubtless, during some
of the weary suffering hours of travelling, she had
digested in her own mind the necessary steps to be
taken in Rome, so far as concerned her own part in
them. The three weeks of exhaustion, passed of
necessity in bed, were by no means allowed to pass
away in inactivity or attempts to restore health and
strength. She at once began to draw up a full account
of the life of herself and her companions, for the
twenty years which they had lived together in com-
munity. This narrative^ Mary dictated to one of
those with her, and when finished it was presented to
Urban VI II., and to the Cardinals of the Congrega-
tion of Bishops and Regulars, and was much praised
by them. Many of them agreed that the relation
itself, as well as the way of life which it described,
bore marks of the especial assistance of the Holy
Ghost.
While thus engaged, Mary endeavoured, through
others, to gain correct information as to the measures
of the Congregations, with regard to the Institute,
since she left Rome. It would appear that when
she reached the Holy City, active steps had not been
as yet taken by the Bishops in Flanders or elsewhere.
The letter of the Nuncio of Lower Germany to
Ferdinand, Prince Bishop of Liege and Cologne, re-
peating the orders of the Congregation of the Propa-
ganda in July, is not dated until December 20, 1628,
the year just over. Ferdinand, with his long-estab-
lished value for the English Virgins and their work,
^ Father T. Lohner, Gottseliges Leben, etc. p. i6o ; Father D.
Bissel, Historia Vita Maria Ward, ch. xiv.
288 Audience with Urban.
lingered in proceeding against them without previous
comnnunication with the Holy See, knowing also that
Mary was about to make a last appeal there. Nor
had any other Bishop as yet moved, in answer to the
notifications of the various Nuncios.
As soon as she could leave her bed, at some time
early in March, Mary hastened to obtain an audience
with the Pope. Urban's reception of Mary was always
one of marked kindness, while Mary, on her side,
whom we have seen all through life noted for a spirit
of blind subjection and obedience to those who were
in the place of God to her, would not be backward in
offering herself and her Institute in perfect submis-
sion to the Holy Father's decisions. " How often
had she not been known to affirm, that not even by a
single word could she oppose herself to his wishes,
were he pleased to destroy all that she had built up
with the toil of years I"^ The Pope listened to her
and her requests attentively, and, finding that the
narrative of the history and plans of her Institute
was too long to be fairly discussed before so numerous
a Congregation as that of the Propaganda, he directed
her to make an epitome of the chief points, to be well
considered by two eminent ecclesiastics, whom he
would appoint to read it, for his own final information
and judgment. He named the two he intended,
" Cardinal Mellino, his Vicar, and the General of a
certain order," says Winefrid, "whom His Holiness
was persuaded was mightily a friend of our Mother,
but who was in effect wholly the contrary." This she
ventured to tell the Pope in a {Q.\f simple words, but
- Father Tobias Lohner, p. 360.
Two delegates appointed by the Pope. 289
" he would not believe it, and tried to persuade Mary
that the said General had a great regard for her."
Mary having said what she considered to be a duty
on the subject, did not again touch upon it, but
treated with both delegates, not according to what
she knew of their private opinions, but as holding on
their part an office of strict justice to perform towards
the cause in hand. The name of the General is not
mentioned by any of those who have written con-
cerning Mary Ward, but there is every reason to
believe that he was Father Mutius Vitelleschi, as no
other General of an Order had been in any way con-
nected with the affairs of the Institute.
The scrutiny thus ordered by the Pope for his
personal information was necessarily a private one,
and the results can only be gathered by what eventu-
ally followed. Winefrid writes as if it had given
large opportunity to those inimical to Mary and her
plans. Whether this were so or not, from all that
our history has yet brought before us, it was not
likely, in the face of so many difficulties and reasons
to the contrary, pressing upon the Holy See, that
Cardinal Mellino and the General should fail to
bring out prominently before the Pope the various
points in the case, which, however laudable in it-
self the projected Institute might be, made its
confirmation all but impossible under the circum-
stances then existing in those parts of the Church
for which the petition was most strongly urged.
They had, however, a duty to perform on both sides
of the question, independently of private opinions.
Whatever passed, Urban, with his wonted kindness
T 2
290 Congregation on Mary^s cause.
towards Mary, and love of justice, "ever inclining
him to do each one right," appointed another Congre-
gation of four Cardinals to meet on her cause, " in
which she herself was to be present, and to declare
what she desired, and her reasons." So great a con-
cession will show the favour with which the Pope
regarded Mary personally, and his discernment of
what were essentially good and holy elements in
her designs. He would give her another opportunity
for their further elucidation before those whose
•opinions he was bound to consider, before making a
final decision, and this without the intervention of
any third person between her and those who were to
judge. She should speak for herself.
The Congregation was composed of Cardinal
Borgia as the head, Cardinal St. Onofrio (Antonio
Barberini), Cardinal San Sisto or Zacchia, and Car-
dinal Scalia. Of these, Cardinal Borgia, the great
nephew of the Saint, was the representative of the
Court of Spain in Rome, and thus intimately con-
nected with the religious and political affairs of
Austria and Germany, and taking a warm interest
in the religious struggle going on there. Cardinal
Antonio Barberini, the holy Capuchin, had already
held a place in the former Congregation in 1625, on
Mary Ward's affairs. Cardinal San Sisto was Prefect
of the Papal Household, and Cardinal Scalia, of the
Order of St. Dominic, was a Commissary of the Holy
Office.
Admiring, as we must, Pope Urban's kind and
generous consideration towards Mary Ward, in allow-
ing her thus to plead her own cause, and giving her
Great need of an advocate. 291
so ample an opportunity for a full explanation of the
form of her Institute, it cannot but be again regretted,
that she had not also an advocate, well skilled in the
learning needful for pleading before such a Court,
who could have entered into the more intricate and
external side of the question in her behalf Such a
speaker, while arguing on the merits of her design,
could at least have freed her from the imputation,
which had made her the subject of so much strife,
of being the instrument of any party among the
English Catholics. He could have delivered her
from the charges and misrepresentations alleged
against her, and exhibited the great good to the
Church at large which her opposers were hindering.
A properly qualified pleader might thus have done
Mary's cause a greater service than her own simple
words were likely alone to effect, for probably those
who listened to her were^ for the most part already
convinced of the solid good existing in her design.
At any rate she might have been spared the bitter
portion, which was to be hers personally in what was
to follow, resulting, as it apparently did, from the
non-refutation of all that was laid against her, upon
which, as we shall see, she did not herself touch.
But Mary either never thought of such an advocate,
or if the suggestion arose, the choice of a spokesman
was too difficult, under the circumstances of the case,
especially in Italy, where an adequate knowledge of
the affairs of England would hardly be found in any
who were otherwise suitable. Perhaps she trusted
too much to the inherent goodness of her cause,
and with her deep-seated reverence and child-like
292 Reasons for not seeking other help.
confidence in the Vicar of Christ, was content to
await his decision, in the certainty that the whole
would now lie before him.
It may also be a matter of surprise that Mary
Ward had not, before leaving Germany, endeavoured
to obtain the good offices of the Emperor and
Maximilian I. with the Holy See, knowing the very
high degree of favour they both enjoyed there. But
in answer to this, it must be remembered that Mary
appears not to have been aware, until she reached
Rome, of the desperate condition of the affairs of the
Institute. Nor, had she been so, would she perhaps
have esteemed it well to ask this favour of those who
had only yet known the Institute and its members
for the short space of two years. Once arrived at
Rome, the time failed for such applications, as events
hurried on too rapidly. In preparing therefore for
the meeting of the Cardinals, Mary applied herself
alone to taking care, that each one of the four
appointed should be fully informed on the subject
of which they were to be the judges. For this pur-
pose she sent to each an abstract similar to that
which she had drawn up by the command of Urban,
of the origin, way of life, and history of the Institute,
that they might read it at leisure beforehand.
" God permitted," says Winefrid, " that when the
day of assembly came Mary had so severe a cough
that she could rest neither day or night." At the
time appointed she was sent for to appear before the
Congregation. Her tranquil demeanour, and gentle
modest bearing on her entrance, edified all present,
and Cardinal Borgia, as head of the rest, signed to
Mary before the Congregation. 293
her to speak and lay all that she wished to say before
them. Her relation lasted for three-quarters of an
hour, during the whole of which she was neither
molested by her cough, nor did any of the Cardinals
interrupt her. Cardinal St. Onofrio once made some
observation, but as it did not require a reply, Mary
only courteously acknowledged it, and then pro-
ceeded with her statement.
She gave a sketch of the Institute, showing what
was its origin, form, mode of life, and objects, and
that the latter were not only lawful, but laudable, and
greatly needed for the good of Christendom, in the
great changes society was undergoing. The labours
of its members had been sought for by the Catholic
Sovereigns in Flanders, Bavaria, and Austria, who
set a great value upon them, and had given public
testimony of the good fruit produced in their
dominions. Nothing had "been undertaken by her
and her companions which had not been already
frequently practised by other devout and holy women,
now in some countries and times, now in others, and
always approved by the Church. These works, how-
ever, had never before been introduced as one of the
objects for community life for religious women, " nor
did she wonder that Holy Church made difficulty in
a thing that was new, contrarywise, she did pro-
foundly reverence that vigilancy of theirs." Nor had
she begun nor continued these works without obtain-
ing the approval of the Holy See under Paul V. and
Gregory XV., as well as that of the several bishops
in whose dioceses they had been carried on. For
ten years, she and her companions had laboured to
294 Her cause placed at the Pope's disposal.
learn the Divine will as to their calling, and she
assured the Cardinals that the toils and sufferings
she had endured during those years, in the uncer-
tainty of that will, were such, that, since the time
when it had pleased God to make known His good
pleasure to them, all the illnesses and troubles she
had gone through were as toys, nor could she imagine
to herself what could be more hard which was yet
to come in the future, her only ambition being to be
found faithful to Him at the hour of death. If there-
fore His Holiness and their Eminences thought it
good that she should desist, she should at once
humbly submit to their decision, as the will of God
to her, but she could not in fidelity to Him change
her plan or undertake others in its room. She placed
herself in their hands. So that the will of God were
fulfilled in her and her companions she was content :
" She and they had no haste, what was not done in
one year could be done in another. She could attend
God Almighty His time and leisure, for man had to
follow, not go before Him." Their Eminences had
then but to say the word, for she was before them to
dispose of her as they would, the cause being the
cause of God, and belonging therefore far more to
■them than to herself.
The Cardinals were much moved by Mary's
words, and gave signs of their satisfaction. Cardinal
Borgia, on relating the whole to the Pope, added
" that he held it to be of God, and that he neither
could nor durst be against it, nor was his power
enough to assist it, such and so powerful were her
enemies. Therefore he humbly entreated His Holi-
ness he might deal no more in it."
Two points indispensable. 295
There may be little difficulty in criticizing Mary's
words after an interval of two centuries, and not only
her words, but the determination she here evinced,^
and had hitherto carried out, not to change the form
of the Institute as to certain prominent features. The
two which principally enlisted against her prejudices
founded on long standing customs and usages, con-
firmed by the decrees of the Council of Trent as
regards one of them, but which finally have been
permitted by the Church, though in a very modified
form as to the other, were those of non-inclosure
and government by a head, chosen by the members
out of their own religious body, directly subject to the
Pope himself. Both of these features were adopted
by Mary as essential to the Institute, and were in-
sisted on as much out of the necessities of the work
to which she and her companions devoted themselves^
as because they were parts of the religious system
which they were led by God's Providence to choose
for their own. With respect to the last point, the
religious state of the Church in England, while pro-
ducing the very causes which stood in the way of
their confirmation, might well make them desirous to
place themselves and their Institute under the direct
protection and authority of the Holy See, however
impossible we now see such desires to have been.
Their own daily experience, in their struggles with
party spirit and with various conflicting interests which
beset them at every turn, would confirm them in the
belief, that if their Congregation was to flourish, it must
be under its own head, who alone could impartially
judge for the necessities of the wide-spread organi-
296 Government of the Congregation.
zation which Mary Ward's comprehensive mind
contemplated. With this behef they overlooked the
difficulties and dangers on the other side, and forgot
that, from the earliest ages, consecrated virgins — even
the holy women whose life they instanced as a model
of their own — were always under the especial charge
of the bishops where they lived. It was little
likely that the custom and rule existing in the
Church as to episcopal surveillance, ever since our
Lord's time, should be departed from. Moreover,
the Holy See was fully awake to the difficulties and
dangers likely to arise, and saw in them objections
to self-government by a large body of women, with
a woman as the sole restraining and corrective power,
beyond that which the Supreme Tribunal of Rome
would afford, which were and have ever been deemed
insurmountable.
Yet while Mary's strict adherence to this feature
in her design in its entireness, helped to bring about
what was to be a present failure, the solid and practical
part was in the next century approved by the Holy
See. Clement XL's Lasciate governare le donne dalle
donne — " Let women be governed by women " — said
by him of the office of General Superior as it then
existed in the Institute of Mary, became the word of
authority for self-government among religious, by
which the modern congregations of women have bene-
fited. Mary Ward has in this, though unsuccessful
herself for the time, and having in consequence to
suffer what few women have been called to endure,
done a great work, to last on to all future generations.
As to inclosure, the other mainly disputed point,
Non-Inclosiire. 297
and that upon which many of her opponents laid the
greatest stress, for the very reasons for which Mary
would not accept it, it is plain enough, that its obser-
vance in the new Institute was inconsistent with the
objects which she had set before her in entering upon
her work. A tempting offer had been made to her,
and rejected, therefore, as a matter of principle as to
which she could not swerve, by one who, with all his
wisdom and many brilliant qualities, did not perhaps
fully fathom the motives which caused Mary to
remain so immovable. Cardinal Bandino, either at
the time of which we are now treating or during the
assembly of the former Congregation in 1625, tried
to " persuade her to accept of the inclosure observed
at the Tor de' Specchi (which in effect," says Wine-
frid, " is less than in all our houses was observed), on
which condition she should have freedom to set up as
many houses all over the world as she would. Which
he thought was no little offer, since those noble ladies
have never been able to procure the beginning of one
more, notwithstanding there being amongst them so
many sisters and allies to Popes and Cardinals. But
to this fair offer our dearest Mother gave for answer,
that ' to obtain the foresaid grace of propagating, she
would not admit of two stakes put in cross in form of
inclosure ! ' "
We may readily believe that it cost Mary much
to refuse one whom she so highly venerated. Such
a friend might well have supposed that she would
yield to his arguments. Winefrid cannot forbear her
expressions of admiration at her magnanimity. But
it must never be lost sight of that Mary Ward did
298 Fidelity to principles.
not found primarily for foreign countries — she founded
for England. It is true that her heart and ideas were
large enough to embrace the whole world, and through
the whole w^orld accordingly her Institute has spread
in its subsequent form. But she always believed that
God had given her her vocation for her own country's
sake, and it was therefore a matter of fidelity to Him
not to allow of anything which would prevent the
Institute from taking root there. An inclosed con-
vent could not exist in England in persecuting times.
Hence arose Mary's persistence — a persistence con-
firmed for other reasons by all her experience in the
work of education abroad. Such persistence has been
called obstinacy. Let us hear the friend who knew
her inmost heart as to this. ^
What applause would she not have won, what friends
would she have acquired (though worldly ones), and have
made herself an object of admiration to the world, if she
would have relented but a little on some points when the
Institute was treated of But she put herself aside, without
regarding what was agreeable or disagreeable, her only
ambition being fidelity to God, which she desired with such
ardour, that to acquit herself of it, it did not appear difficult,
whatever she suffered in so doing, to lose friends and make
enemies, to despise honours and embrace contempt, to
reject riches and cherish poverty.
Such faithfulness towards God can scarcely be
looked upon as obstinacy, unless all unfaltering
sufferers for principle and duty in an untried cause
are to be thus branded. Mary Ward's fidelity and
fortitude, however, as to non-inclosure, as well as on
the point of self-government, have long ago had their
Proposal to return to GerinaMy. 299
reward ; and in this above all, that whereas she
laboured and suffered, as it seemed, in vain, others
have most abundantly entered into the fruits of her
labours — fruits which, except in spirit, she was not
permitted to see in this world.
To return to our history. Proceedings at Rome,
were, and in our days are, as is well known, slow.
Mary was well aware of this. She knew, too, that
she should be able to learn nothing of the final results
of the session of the Congregation, while her affairs
were still under consideration. She felt that she had
done all she could. It was not likely that any further
opportunity would be given her for her own inter-
vention, and all had now only to take its course,
guided by the good Providence of God. Her own
stay in the Holy City appeared useless, while her resi-
dence among her Sisters, to comfort and strengthen
them and direct the general course of the work under
the anxious and critical condition of the Institute,
was far more needed. She even thought of making
a visit to England, believing that her presence might
soften the violence of opposition and improve the
relations of the Institute there. But desirous that
the Pope should know of her intention, and under-
stand the causes for her leaving Rome, she commu-
nicated her views to the Princess Constanza Barberini,
his sister-in-law, with whom he had constant inter-
course. She went to "this great and dear friend,
telling her how all had gone, and that there was
nothing for her to do but to expect God Almighty
His Divine disposition, and therefore she would return
to Germany."
300 Poverty and fatigue on the journey.
Mary, having made this decision, wrote at once to
the same purport to the house at Munich, and pre-
pared to set out without delay. To her companions
in Rome her intention must have seemed like mad-
ness. " They had less faith," says Winefrid, " than
she had." And so when Mary made known to them
that she, in her shattered health, after the living death
of the weary journey but some three months before,
meant, with certain others among them and their
usual convoy, to travel back at once, and that there
were less than two hundred crowns to pay for the
expenses of the whole party, their faces betrayed
what was scarcely short of a blank dismay. Mary,
perceiving what was passing in their minds, hastened
to comfort them in a manner very characteristic of
herself, and conclusive, according to her own way of
reasoning, but even more startling to her listeners.
" She merrily answered them, ' I have found out a
good way to make our monies hold out — to be sure
to deny no poor body an alms who shall ask it on
the road ! ' and this she punctually observed," adds
the manuscript, " but at the cost of intolerable fatigue
to her feeble, exhausted body. For having but one
horse to ride on by turns, the most weary, she herself,
made the greater part of the journey on foot, and
with inconvenience such as may be imagined, in
having but one pair of shoes for the journey which
did not fit her, as they were for the use of persons of
very different stature." This description of their
travelling might appear highly drawn, perhaps, had
not the pair of shoes been preserved^ to bear witness
5 At the Institute house at Alt-Oetting, Bavaria.
Silks bought at Venice. 301
of the toilsome pilgrimage for which they had
served.
Another touch may be added to the delineation
of Mary's character by means of this journey. Mary
Ward, in spite of all her dealings with a hard, rough
world, and in spite of the straits of poverty, was a
woman in heart still, in her love for all that was
refined and beautiful in nature and art. And she
was a devout woman too, who thought nothing too
much to deny herself in order to spend for the adorn-
ment of the altars where our Lord dwells in His
humiliation among us. " The plague raging furiously
at the time in the places which were on the way to
Bavaria," writes Winefrid, " our Mother was compelled
to take the route of Venice, where they make the
most beautiful silks. Amongst all her troubles, she
remembered that these silks would be very useful to
our houses in Germany, and without considering the
need she might have of money, of which she had so
little, did not fail to make provision for them." And
so, instead of hiring a carriage, adding to their load
by silks for future vestments and antipendiums, foot-
sore and way-worn, the travellers reached Munich at
last.
CHAPTER II.
The Neapolitmt and Flemish Houses.
1629.
The news which Mary found awaiting her when she
arrived in Munich induced her at once to change her
plans as to her own personal movements. The
information received from Rome and Flanders was
full of causes for disquiet and apprehension. Through
that from Rome, Mary must have gained fresh light
as to the exterior prospects of the Institute, that
they looked far worse, and that a much rougher and
more difficult path was opening before herself in
what was to come than even she had anticipated.
Whether this information was only what friends sent
to her, and therefore as yet somewhat circumscribed
and vague, is unknown. But she had enough to
become aware that it would be very unwise to go
to a still greater distance from the centre of action,
or to appear to shun personally whatever was in
preparation.
Nor did the letters received from the community
in Flanders contain less matter of distress. Things
had been going there very much amiss, and the eff'ects
produced in the houses by the events in Rome were
Mary at Vienna. 303
disastrous. Mary's presence was most desirable, and
alone likely to restore the troubled minds of the
members of the Institute. But the Roman news was
too grave as to probable results to allow even such
reasons as these to prevail, and Mary laid aside all
thoughts of proceeding to England, or even of going
as far as Liege, the chief seat of the domestic troubles
which had been referred to her. She determined,
therefore, to send Winefrid Wigmore at once as
her representative to that city, while she herself went
on to Vienna, where she hoped to gain more certain
and immediate news of proceedings at Rome than
she could at Munich. Winefrid gives shortly Mary's
reasons for this choice. " She abandoned altogether
the design she had had of passing into Flanders and
England, having at heart above all things the
deference and submission which she owed to His
Holiness and to Holy Church. She went, therefore,
to Vienna to wait the good pleasure of His Holiness,
because that at the Court of Bavaria there was no
Nuncio, but if any matter of importance occurred it
was remitted to the Nuncio at Lucerne, and because
of the high esteem she had conceived for Cardinal
Pallotta," then resident Nuncio at the Austrian
Court.
It is with difficulty that the course of events can
be traced which touch on Mary Ward's history during
the remainder of the year 1629, and the whole of
that which succeeded. The two main sources for
information, Winefrid's relation and Mary's manu-
script letters, here fail us. Winefrid is entirely silent
as to this period in her biography. Her own
304 Letters intercepted.
departure to Liege prevented her from being a
spectator of what passed, and Mary Poyntz, who is
supposed to have taken up the narrative when she
became the witness instead, says nothing of the year
Mary passed at Vienna. Being herself Superior at
Munich, she was not with Mary at that time, and
therefore recommences her story only towards the
close of the year 1630, when Mary left Austria.
There were other reasons which concurred to produce
the absence of letters or documents which refer to
these years. "A certain prelate," we are told, "laid
out a large sum of money in order to intercept
Mary's letters." When this became known to her,
she adopted, as a counterplot, the custom of daily
devotion to a guardian Angel, to whom she com-
mitted the care of the transport of her corres-
pondence, that all might reach in safety. But the
caution which she and her companions had in
consequence to exercise, both in writing, and by
destroying whatever it was not a necessity to
preserve, as also the events which befell herself and
her secretary Winefrid, in depriving them of many
even of the latter nature, account for the lack of
secondary means of information.
It was at some time during the summer of the
year 1629, that the first destructive blow really fell
on the Institute, but not until after Mary Ward had
left Rome. Up to this date, none of the Archbishops
or Bishops who had received the decree of the Con-
gregation of July, 1628, through the respective
Nuncios, had promulgated it. Cardinal Buoncom-
pagno. Archbishop of Naples, a man of eminent
Dissolution of the Naples House. 305
holiness and an especial encourager of schemes of
education in his diocese, had taken a warm interest
in the welfare of the Institute House in his city, and
seems to have hung back, as did others in a like
position, from extreme measures to the last. It was
with reluctance that he finally gave the fatal order, in
obedience to some further notification from Rome,
while he endeavoured to deal as gently as might be
with those it concerned, for whom he entertained a
true esteem. But the terms of the decree were most
stringent. The Cardinal was to dissolve " the College
with the schools belonging to it, and to order all
those in the company, whether still novices or already
professed, whatever nation they might be of, to return
to their native countries and parents. Which order,"
adds the informant, one of the English Virgins of the
community, "was executed with regard to all those in
this town, to the extreme grief of both the parents
and their daughters."
From Cardinal Buoncompagno himself the com-
munity received the information that the notification
from Rome was accompanied with other documents
sent to him thence, containing the charges laid
against the English Virgins, which were believed to
apply especially to their proceedings in Naples, and
were given as the cause of the order for the immediate
dissolution of their house. Among these charges,
which were numerous, were the old ones of the
members preaching in public, and in these discourses
speaking abusively against the Pope and other
prelates of the Church. Their way of life was
described to be of such a scandalous nature, that
U 2 '
o
06 Discontent of the Neapolitans.
the Cardinal told them he was ashamed even to read
two chapters, in which this account was given.
The execution of the decree of the Congregation
produced a feeling of great discontent through the
whole city of Naples, which was expressed by all
■classes. The gentlemen of the city united in sending
a memorial to Cardinal Barberini, deprecating the
loss of " the heroic and holy labours of the English
ladies, by whom the daughters of the place have
been educated in all suitable arts and in virtue," and
intreating him "to interpose his influence that the
ladies may return to their employment, that as, by
the grace of God, we have so many helps for men,
this, the only one for women, may not be wanting."
Another memorial was written much about the
same time to the Pope, by the English Virgins at
Naples themselves, well aware that their own house
was only the first among those which were to suffer.
It seems uncertain whether the memorial was pre-
sented or not. The object of the writers, from the
contents, was twofold, to free themselves from the
odium of the charges laid against them, and to throw
themselves and their Institute on the compassion and
mercy of the Pontiff, by laying before him the pitiful
state to which the severe decree of the Holy Office
would reduce so large a number of women of good
birth, by casting them adrift on the world without
means of support, or money to return to their
countries, while a blot had been affixed upon their
good name of which they were undeserving. " By
force of repetition," they say, " the belief has grown
up that these scandals are true, though in the place
Vague charges. 307
where they are circulated, it is well known they do
not happen. Thus in Germany, it was said, the
scandals had been committed in Flanders. The people
of Flanders were of opinion they had happened in
Rome (since the order had come from thence), while
in Rome, those who heard that the sentence was first
executed in Naples, were persuaded that in that city
lay the seat of the evil." The truth of the reports would
appear the more probable, " in that, among all the
uninclosed Congregations of women, in Flanders,
France, &c., they alone are to be punished, and so
severely punished." The writer then enters into the
distressing effects which will fall upon their members,
as foreigners away from home, and intreats the Pope
to have the charges duly examined. A sketch of
the various foundations of the Institute is prefixed
to this petition, up to the date as which it is written.
The memorial of the inhabitants of Naples is
dated September 6, 1629. It speaks of the sup-
pression of the Institute House as having very lately
taken place. Of the events passing in Rome between
Mary Ward's defence before the Cardinals, followed
by her departure to Germany, and this suppression,
and thence onward, there exists no definite history.
Their nature even can only be gathered from the
startling results which issued from them to Mary
personally, while they heavily weighted the blow
which was to fall upon the Institute. Doubtless
the Archives in Rome would supply the explanation
of the blank, bearing upon it a face of mystery,
which supervenes upon Mary's arrival in Germany,
■devoid as it is of any recorded incident as to herself
3o8 Attempted division in the Institute.
or to whatever was taking place against her. Two
facts may be gathered, which touch on this time,
from a letter of Father Gerard's^ to one of the
English Virgins in Munich, written from Rome in
October, 1629, therefore after the suppression of the
Naples House, and while Mary Ward was at Vienna.
Some quasi friends, ecclesiastics or others, as it
would seem, had been endeavouring to influence the
unstable-minded among the members at Liege, who
for so long a period had been a source of anxiety
to Mary Ward, and to bring about a division in the
Institute. This division was to be founded upon
the abandonment of the great principles for which
Mary had so long been struggling, and, as a con-
sequence, upon the abandonment of Mary herself
Some advances had been made and terms offered,
either to or by those who opposed her in Rome, or to
the authorities there, perhaps to both, through certain
of the Institute. This step was the cause of Father
Gerard's letter of earnest caution, and he deplores in
the strongest words what had been done by them.
The reason wherefore I write so much on this subject
is no other than my having foreseen what a bad and
dangerous service some of yours gave here, which they
troubled themselves much to render in this case, and if it
^ Nymphenburg Archives. A manuscript of about thirty letter
pages in ancient German, headed, " This letter was written by a Father
of the Society of Jesus to the Superioress of our House at Munich.
October 6, 1629." The following remark is written outside in the
same old characters : " We have the strongest reason to believe that
his letter was written in the Engligh language by Father John Tomson
[Gerard]. It has been translated into German, is to be kept secret, and
not shown to many."
Letter of Father Gerard. 309
had succeeded, in the present state of things would neces-
sarily have ruined you all. . . . Take care, at the same
hour and moment you throw off obedience to her, to whom
God has revealed His holy will and pleasure as to what
is to be done in this your holy vocation, not only for the
direction and salvation of you who are now living, but also
for those who are to come after you, in that very same
moment you do nothing else than put poisoned weapons
into the hands of your enemies, with which they will not
defend but destroy you. Therefore, whosoever would
try to change you either directly or indirectly in the respect
or good opinion you have of your head (she who for so
many years has laboured with burning tears and fervent
prayers, with severe penance, great anxiety, and by con-
sultation with learned men as well as with God, to learn
the will of the Almighty and all that could injure or benefit
this holy work), whoever tries to do so, do not listen to
them, but stop your ears and shun them as you would an
adulterer who is about to rob you of your innocence and
ruin your soul.
Notwithstanding some fancy those are in the right who
would consider it just to add something to, or to take some-
thing from her work, nay, even to abandon the commands
of their mother in order to follow the advice of a supposed
friend. But woe to that woman through whom so great an
€vil would be introduced among you, perhaps it were better
for her never to have been born, for she would not only
seek her own destruction, but that of the whole Society.
I assure you and all others, that if I were the greatest
€nemy you have on earth, I could not find a shorter and
better way to efface, not only your name, but your memory
from the earth, than by sowing different opinions amongst
you, concerning the essential points of your Institute. Who
would be so bereft of understanding and reason as to
promise assistance to those who would dare to excite a
lO Personal attack on Mary,
rebellion amongst you, even in your first fervour and during
the life of your Foundress? Or what Pope ever would
occupy the Chair of St. Eeter who would introduce into
God's Church and confirm a religion which is in itself dis-
united? And this would easily happen if you give ear to
all the opinions and suggestions that people wish to drum
into your ears. Therefore have I told you above, that there
is only one thing necessary for you, namely, that you be
always of one mind amongst each other and with your head
and guide, and that you maintain at all times all her rules
and principles, considering them the most essential support
of your Order and of your personal perfection. The purer
you preserve the spirit of your venerable Mother, and the
closer you keep to her footsteps, the nearer you will be to
God, and thus united you will be a terror to your enemies-
It may be that the wicked enemy by the permission of God
will for a while impede your labours ; but fully to destroy
what God through His servant has begun, is impossible,
except you yourselves will it.
Father Gerard then reminds his correspondent of
what happened in the somewhat similar case of
Sister Praxedes,^ some years before.
But besides the proposed departure from Mary-
Ward's principles, their abandonment was to be either
begun or followed up by some personal attack upon
herself.
Extraordinary things [says Father Gerard] have I seen
and heard since your Mother General's last visit here, and
some of them are of such a nature that neither friend nor
enemy could have persuaded me to believe them, if I had
not witnessed them with my own eyes and heard them with
my own ears ; but which I omit to write as doubtless you
' See for this passage, vol. i. p. 456.
Letter of Father Gerard. 311
have already heard the greater part of them from your own
people, and it was good that they should tell you, because
all things considered they are so marvellous, that if your
own people had not verified them, the man who would
write such things would be taken for a liar.
He then goes on to picture his own distress and
astonishment at what had been occurring. Nor is
it hard to perceive in what he says, that he is writing
of those whom he himself regards with respect and
reverence, and among them some even in his own
Society, who have been concerned in measures against
Mary Ward which he knows not how to understand
or justify. Nor are his dimly expressed words in-
consistent with what is known of this part of her
history.
I have seen the sun eclipsed at noon-day and the stars
losing their light, nay, I have almost seen them turning
from their course. Enemies are increasing, and friends, not
only wavering, but bringing forth bad works instead of good.
Some who formerly praised everything, now blame every-
thing: those who before consoled all, now oppress them;
those who formerly approved of all, now abuse all ; those
who used to be considered as oracles are now looked upon
as worse than nothing ; he who before was the consolation
of all. is now become a burden to all, and he, who before
helped all, has lately prevented many from doing good.
But let the enemies be enraged and others so careless that
they heed neither time nor events, and not only forget their
friends but even themselves ; yet this is my comfort. . . .
Although, both friend and foe are trying in different ways to
ruin you, I have seen, and I feel daily, the power of the
right hand of the Most High, which upholds you in a truly
312 Letter addressed to Mary Poyiitz.
marvellous way, so that it can be truly said that the
Almighty is on your side and this is the finger of God.
It is not to be wondered at that foolish people speak of
you in a singular manner and without reason, for they know
not your worth, nor the end at which you aim, neither am
I frightened at what I hear from those who have no other
knowledge of you except what they get from without. Nor
can I be amazed that the enemies try to carry their point ;
but that friends should swerve so far from the rules of
friendship, that instead of assisting the work, they endanger
it, this I must in truth acknowledge, astounds me so much
that my right hand trembles to guide my left. In reality
it appears to me, that your persecutions have only now
reached their height, for although up to this you have had
enemies against you, yet you had at the same time friends
who were faithful to you, but now that these latter have for-
saken you, what have you left ?
There is but one thing left for me to say ; there wants
but a little fully to decide their persecutions against the
person of the Mother Foundress, which would surely have
thus resulted long ago, if that had been as quickly admitted
by all her companions as it was readily propounded to them.
But God, Who is the faithful Lover and Guide of those
who tnily seek Him, has so adorned their souls with grace
and wisdom that not only they would not look at but also
abhorred this strange and monstrous thing. The ill weeds
were rejected, for the ground was so good, that it could
not suffer what was so evil.
It will be seen from these extracts that, the object
of Father Gerard's letter was to allay the disquiet
caused by attempts to produce division among the
members of the Institute. The letter, though written
in the first place to Mary Poyntz, the Superior at
Munich, was manifestly intended for other hands and
Disaffected Sisters at Liege. 313
eyes than her own ; the Father ■ again and again
assures her that he has no suspicion of herself, and
that he writes for those with whom she is associated
or has under her care. Knowing the great esti-
mation in which he was held among the Sisters,
especially in Flanders, and having become acquainted
with what was passing there, while Mary Ward was
still on her journey, Mary Poyntz probably asked
him to write a letter which could be of use in this
troublous state of affairs. He apologizes for delay
in answering, but must have known what she could
not know, that anything he could say would pro-
bably be too late to stay or prevent the evil which
had arisen, and which must have been already
threatening when Mary came to her decision to
hasten into Flanders from Rome.
The plan would seem to have been, by some com-
promise, even giving up Mary and her principles for
the time, to avert the suppression of the Institute.
Some Superiors among those in Flanders were drawn
into it and " behaved themselves otherwise than they
ought," says Winefrid, " using finesse and indirect
ways, whereas good has never need of evil." None
of them saw at the beginning probably how far astray
they were likely to be led, but upon the proposal
of further measures against Mary Ward, those faithful
to her were undeceived and drew back, and the
scheme came to an end, the ill-affected leaving the
Institute. Two of the Talbots, nieces of Mr. Thomas
Sackville, have been named among the latter, and
there is a strange history of Mother Elisabeth Ward,
given by Father Lohner, which may perhaps refer
314 Elisabeth Ward.
to this time of trouble also. He says that she so turned
against her sister, that she even went so far as,
wherever she saw it, to trample on and deface her
likeness, which probably was drawn over and over
again by the loving hands of Mary's spiritual chil-
dren. Mary had acted a generous part towards her,
for at an earlier time, appreciating her talents and
desirous of drawing her to use them for God's glory,
she had anxiously endeavoured to prevail on her to
share with herself the burden of authority, by holding
Barbara Babthorpe's office of Provincial in Flanders.
But this Mother Elisabeth persistently refused. Father
Lohner thinks she finally left the Institute, perhaps
at this period, and says that Mary foretold that so it
would be.
Vague as the details of this sorrowful episode of
Mary Ward's history are, enough is gathered to show
how injurious such a course of proceedings must have
been, at this juncture, to the cause of the Institute
at Rome, and to Mary herself Mary Poyntz,
speaking of these erring Superiors, says, that "they
perhaps did not fail through malice, and they suffered
great remorse of conscience " afterwards, which might
well be the case, since it would appear that, instead
of averting what they feared, they gave at Rome, by
their negotiations, and among those inimical to the
Institute, the impression of seeking to oppose the
action of the Nuncio in obedience to the Holy Office,
bringing upon Mary the odium, and upon themselves
more surely the final Bull of Supf)ression, as its words
show. Mary Ward " foresaw " when she reached
Munich what mischief would arise, and " how far in
The evil irremediable. 315
consequence the violence of her enemies might go "
through such a fatal mistake, " and so as to omit
nothing on her part to acquit herself of her fidelity
to God and ours," sent Winefrid Wigmore to undo
as far as might be the evil which had been worked.
Mary Poyntz writes of her as " one whom Mary knew
to be entirely faithful, and who had seen her way of
acting and her conduct in business." Her arrival,
like Father Gerard's letter, seems to have been too
late, for the proceedings of the Nuncio were already
in abeyance, and nothing further apparently passed
through him during the year 1630, as he had
written to Rome for instructions.
• Father Gerard in his long letter — which from its
length is a pamphlet rather than a letter — is never
wearied in repeating exhortations to obedience and
unlimited confidence in Mary Ward.
This point [he says] is of greater importance than any
one can imagine. It requires great wisdom and discretion
to know at what time and of whom you ought to seek
counsel, what you ought to say, and upon what you should
be silent. Therefore I tell you, not in my own name, but
in that of your Rev. Mother, although she is far from me
and ignorant of what I now write, you must not lend your
ear to every one who speaks to you, without perhaps know-
ing you or your vocation, but incline your ear to Christ, and
to her, who has been given you for a mother and example
on earth.
Nor must it be forgotten that Father Gerard, in
thus writing, had lately had full opportunity of learning,
from Mary Ward's own lips, her whole mind and
intentions, the state and prospects of the Institute
31 6 The letter continued.
with regard to the Holy See, as well as all that was
said and done against her. He knew all, and he
knew that " lately " other people, with their opinions
and advice to change this and that, " had so wearied
her that you could scarcely believe it." Aware of all,
he tells Mary Poyntz,
It is no- little blessing that God has given you, to call
you to this vocation in the lifetime of your Mother and
Foundress, at having lived with her, conversed with her,
experienced her manner of governing, having heard her
counsels, and been a witness to her exemplary and toilsome
life. You can bear testimony of all things concerning her,
her readiness in doing good to all, her great love for friends
and enemies, her immovable firmness in all essential points
concerning your Institute, and that neither threats nor
flatteries could cause her to deviate from that which she
recognized as the will of God, although she clearly foresaw
the difficulties which were sure to follow. To her you must
have recourse in all your trials, in all your doubts, in all the
affairs concerning your guidance, in short, in everything
that may occur, for she is ever ready to bestow consolation ;
therefore I can say in truth to you, " Blessed are the eyes
which see the things which you see." . . . Engrave all her
words, works, and maxims in your hearts, for the time will
come when you will desire them, but shall not have them.
You will always have enemies, and you will never be in
want of contradictions either in or out of the house, but you
will not have her always with you. She is now no longer
young, neither is she healthy, but always ailing, no longer
strong, but very weak, and, in a word, not living, but always
in a dying state. Make use, then, of the short time God
will still leave her with you, not for your own pleasure, but
for your good. In what can she glory here on earth, except
in the Cross of Christ ? In toils and sorrows, in pain and
Concluding sentences. 317
contradiction, in adversity and persecution, in affliction and
oppression, in sickness and sufferings, finally, in a living
death and a dying life, whichever of the two you may like
to call it. For she has not only been sent amongst you to
give you rules, but also to teach you how to follow them.
He then turns to Mary Poyntz herself, and the
Munich community, and congratulates her
— on your prosperous and numerous companions and holy
Society, and your own excellence, " before God and men,"
as is fitting for one filling the place you do, who has as
many eyes and ears watching her, as she has friends and
enemies. For as you are living in a foreign land where you
have many enemies, many flatterers, and but few true friends,
and since your College is the only one that prospers of those
that up to this time were founded by your revered Mother ;
thus the progress of your Society greatly depends on its
well-being, and this not alone as regards the great fruit
which your whole Society derives from it by its useful and
suitable members, but also by the lustre of edification which
the whole world may hope to expect from it. The very
reputation of this house, it being the most eminent at the
present time, will promote or prevent very much the work
of your valued Mother here [i.e. Rome], as well as in other
places where you may come.
Having begun his letter by assurances of being
" unchangeable in affection and estimation of you
and your entire holy Society, as well in general as
in particular, whether I write often or seldom, whole
volumes or only one line, no matter what storms,
tempests, or disturbances may be raised against you
at home or abroad ; whenever I perform a good work,
then you and yours have a great share of it," he con-
cludes :
3i8 Mary at Vienna.
And I humbly ask Jesus Christ to grant you this grace,
that as you are daily endeavouring to walk in the footsteps
of your truly venerable Foundress, your subjects may be
true imitators of your virtuous life. For this ♦end and for
your welfare in general, I shall never fail to offer my "poor
prayers to God, especially at the time when I consider they
are most pleasing in His eyes, namely, after Holy Com-
munion, and up to this time I have never omitted doing so.
I do not know what spell you make use of to remind me of
you, for I never forget you at that time.
CHAPTER III.
The Decree of the Holy Office.
1629 — 1631.
We have seen that Mary Ward, with but a short stay
in Munich, went on to Vienna, in order to conform
herself entirely to the decisions of the Holy See, and
to be ready to yield immediate obedience to them.
These decisions were to be made known to her by
the Nuncio, Cardinal Pallotta, whom she knew per-
sonally, and in whose wisdom and discretion, for
which he bore a great reputation, she had great con-
fidence. From the suppression of the house at
Naples, and from all she had heard besides, Mary
probably believed that these decisions were already
made, and she expected therefore the immediate issue
of the final mandate, and that it would in some way
concern herself individually, as well as the fate of the
Institute. But she found a more peaceful life awaiting
, Arrival of Father Domemco di Gesu. 319
her in the Austrian capital than she had expected.
Cardinal Pallotta had not moved, the Institute house
and schools were still in action, and, stranger still,
one of the chief agents in the commencement of the
disastrous events which had lately befallen the Insti-
tute had changed in his views with regard to it.
Cardinal Klessel, the Archbishop of Vienna, who had
first, by writing to Rome, renewed the discussion as
to the permission of the Institute in the Church as a
religious body, had acknowledged that he had been
mistaken in the opinions he had formed of its status
and its members. What had brought about this
change we do not know. It was too late, however,
to undo what was done, but at least no further move-
ment against the Institute was made in Vienna, and
all awaited further orders from Rome.
There was another matter of consolation for Mary
Ward personally preparing for her at Vienna. Father
Domenico di Gesu was expected in the city. After
repeated solicitations made to the Pope by the
Emperor and Empress, who ardently desired him to
visit and even to take up his abode permanently with
them, he had been commissioned as Papal Legate
to the Imperial Court to mediate a peace between
Austria and Mantua, where a fierce struggle had been
going on with regard to the succession of the late
Duke, which was threatening the tranquillity of the
whole southern part of Europe. Who can doubt that
Mary Ward would hail with thankfulness the oppor-
tunity of intercourse with the holy Carmelite ? He
arrived in Vienna towards the end of November, 1629,
and was received with joy and great honour by
320 Last hoiLTS.
Ferdinand and the Empress Leonora, who insisted on
his having apartments in their palace, that they might
have him close to themselves. And indeed they seem
scarcely to have left him, especially after the beginning
of his illness, which finally set in on the feast of the
Purification, 1630. His life during the previous two
months which he passed in Vienna, was, as it had
been for many years, a continuous interchange of
fruitful labours for souls, exalted contemplation, and
the exhibition of marvellous gifts and graces of the
highest order- — miracles, raptures, and the gift of
prophecy. He died on the i6th of February, in the
presence of both Sovereigns, after lying for eight days
speechless, without noticing any one, in what appeared
to the bystanders to be a state of intense and constant
communion of soul with God. Having at length
opened his eyes, and turning them to Ferdinand and
his consort, who were standing by the bed, he gave
them a parting blessing, and gently breathed his last.
The advice of a holy man of modern times to a
soul under the pressure of heavy and humiliating
calumny, " Suffer, rejoice, be silent," may perhaps
sum up in few words that of Father Domenico to
Mary, in his conferences with her. Nor could any
other result be supposed from one whose practice had
been precisely similar, under difficulties like in kind
to her own, though less in degree. Persecuted and
calumniated by members of his own order, and treated
as a hypocrite or deluded soul on account of his
miraculous gifts and raptures, a popular cry had also
been raised against him, at the time when the Spanish
Armada was fitting out, and he foretold its destruction.
Advice to Mary. 321
He was accused, therefore, and brought up before the
Holy Office. But nothing moved Domenico from the
resolution he had made of suffering all for the love of
God, without any justification of himself, in imitation
of our Lord, and to this practice he added a vow, at
the time when his persecutions were the hottest, to
do the greatest good to those who injured and reviled
him the most. It is hardly possible to imagine, then,
that any other future course for Mary would be dis-
cussed between these two holy souls than one of a
similar nature. It may be, however, that though
aware in part how far she would be the sufferer, Mary
did not, during the lifetime of Father Domenico,
realize what was to be the heaviest part of the accu-
sations against her. He might in such a case, with
other Saints, have qualified silence under evil-speaking
with one exception — an exception of which she her-
self was to be an instance
There was another matter which was laid before
the far-seeing eye of Father Domenico di Gesu by
Mary. This was the state of her own soul. During
the two years when her affairs had arrived at their
gravest crisis in Rome, and were being discussed
there, with the calamitous alternative in prospect
which afterwards followed, Almighty God laid upon
Mary a spiritual trial as agonizing in its nature as the
exterior one of the destruction of the Institute, which
she must have pictured to herself as drawing near.
This period of two years may date, from the end of
her painful journey to Rome in February, 1629, to
the same month in the year 1631 — an eventful month
to her, as we shall presently see. For the whole of
V 2
32 2 Mary's spiritual trials.
this time a fearful state of desolation was spread over
her soul and all its powers. Filled with apprehension,
she believed herself abandoned and forsaken by God,
and beyond this, that she was even in a state of pos-
session by the devil — a state of all the most full of
pain to the ardent lovers of God. The power of
prayer and converse with God was gone, that of
making acts of faith and hope alone remaining to
her, and it was only by doing violence to herself,
that she continued her practice of daily Communion,
■which, however, she never intermitted, in spite of the
suffering she experienced in what before had been
the sensible source of joy and strength.
" She communicated her state," says Winefrid,
"" to one whom she judged fitting, and did it with so
much clearness, and such signs of the guidance of
Almighty God, that he found much to admire and
few things to correct." Whether this was Father
Gerard or Father Domenico di Gesu, is unknown.
One of the two it probably was, and, all circum-
stances considered, the latter appears the more likely,
from the absorbing nature and pressure of exterior
affairs which engrossed Mary's ' attention and time
during her short stay in Rome. In the quiet atmo-
sphere of the Austrian capital, she would have been
more free to turn her thoughts to herself, when the
saintly Carmelite's visit took place. Both these holy
men were great lovers of the Cross, not only in word
but in deed. Domenico had the great grace given
him to choose it as a gift of preference. When the
venerable Franciscan monk. Brother Nicolo Fattore,
told him that he was to be the heir of all his super-
Conformity to God's ivill. 323
natural gifts of miracles and raptures, Domenico
prayed that in exchange he might be guided along
the way of the Cross, and received the assurance that
his prayer was granted, and that sufferings should be
given him at certain times in their place, with the
grace to bear them with ease and content. And both
followed in full measure. They can know little of
spiritual sufferings who speak lightly of them !
Mary's conformity to the Divine will was shown by
the unwavering courage with which she bore the
terrors of this long trial. " Those who were most
about her and nearest to her, never saw the least
change in word or look, nor could they observe the
smallest appearance of conflict or trouble. This
blessed servant of God lived most, and breathed most
freely where herself was least, and esteemed it the
greatest advantage to have something to give to the
Divine Majesty, since of receiving she had full assur-
ance." She had indeed stripped herself of everything,
both spiritual and temporal, as to herself and her
Institute, which she loved so well, and given all back
into His hands, in perfect peace. Who had bestowed
them.
During these months of desolation, both exterior
and interior, there was one source of unfeigned solace
to Mary's heart. She truly loved life in community,
among the simple and devoted souls whom God had
called around her. They were bound to her and to
one another by ties of truest charity, and her greatest
happiness was to live among them and, when the
business of new foundations, and the urgent calls of
troublous controversies permitted, to share with them
324 Exactness in observance.
in every minute custom or regulation belonging to
their state of life. She never failed, when it was
possible for her, to take her turn to do the accus-
tomed penances in the refectory, serve the table,
wash the dishes, and the like. Her many years of infir-
mity and illness never exempted her from these, or
from her own individual mortifications, which she
performed as when younger. We hear of " her
frequent disciplines and such like penances, for
example, obliging herself even when in extremity of
weakness to kneel daily for a certain space of time,
with particular fastings on occasions," as having never
been remitted. The Monday fast, in honour of
St. Anne, was one of these, of which a touching
instance will be given further on. Also the recit-
ing daily on her knees Lmidate Domimim in her
honour, in thanksgiving to the Blessed Trinity for
all the graces bestowed on " the holy mother of
Mary and the grandmother of Jesus," as she was
called in the homely language of those days. This
devotion Mary never gave up, even when ill in bed,
and she commended it especially to her spiritual
children, with the exhortation, and even entreaty, that
they would not fail in its observance, nor allow it
to die out with her.
In such practices of ordinary community life the
year 1630 passed on. Two matters of note occurred
during the earlier half, with regard to the house at
Munich, which are worthy of record. We do not
hear that hitherto any pupils from England had been
received into the schools there, it being too far distant
from their homes for them to be conveniently sent.
English Novices. 325
The Flanders houses at St. Omer and Li^ge had
as yet been the chief receptacles for these pensioners,
who were numerous, and many of them had entered
the Institute. In the unsettled state of affairs there,
however, upon Winefrid Wigmore's arrival, some of
them appear to have been transferred to Munich.
They were mostly relations of some of the English
Virgins. The troubles and difficulties to which the
Institute had been subjected had made no impres-
sion upon the warm generous hearts of these young
English girls. Rather, on the contrary, they had
inspired them with a still stronger love, and with a
longing to cast their lots in with its Foundress, and to
share with her in the noble warfare for souls which
such a life involved. Accordingly we find, in the ancient
list of members of the Institute at Munich, the names
of nine, who within a few months up to June, 1630,
were received among their number. All of these
remained stedfast in the vocation they had chosen,
and some were especially notable for the graces with
which they were adorned in God's service, or for
what He permitted them to effect for His glory
during their religious course. Four were nieces of
Barbara Babthorpe : two of them, Mary and Elisa-
beth Babthorpe, being daughters of her brother. Sir
William Babthorpe, and two, the daughters of her
sister, Elisabeth, wife of John Constable, of Oscaley,
Yorkshire. Anna Wigmore was a niece of Mother
Winefrid's, Helen and Clara Marshall were related to
Mrs. Frances Brooksby. Chrysogona Badger's mother
was one of the well-known old Catholic family of
Wakeman, while the name of Frances Bedingfield is
o
26 Twins in Religion.
already familiar to us through her sister, Mother
Winefrid, whose younger sister she was.
The eldest of these novices, Helen Marshall, was
twenty-one years of age, the others all several years
younger, while Frances Bedingfield and her twin
religious sister, Frances Constable, had only attained
the early age of fourteen. Entering religion on the
same day, how different was the path assigned to
each by their Father in Heaven ! The one, spoken
of as "a bright jewel in her family," attained a
high perfection in a short time, so that scarcely even a
slight fault was perceptible in her, and was called away
by Him while yet in the Novitiate, dying in 1632.
The other, the holy foundress of the Institute house,
Micklegate Bar, York, through many a hard struggle
and conflict endured for the love of her Master and
Lord, made her crown bright by all she endured
amidst persecution and imprisonment in England for
the faith. She lived to an extreme old age. Having
in her youth been a witness of Mary Ward's toils
and sufferings, she was permitted the singular grace
of living to be a partaker in the privilege, for which
Mary had apparently toiled and suffered in vain —
the approving word of the Holy See. Of the other
novices, two more may be specially mentioned here,
Barbara Constable, sister of Frances, just mentioned,
who was in after times for many years Superior at
Munich, a truly holy and courageous soul, and
her twin religious, Elisabeth Babthorpe, a model of
humility and silence, who died at the house at Rome
a few years before Barbara.
There was another youthful and more distin-
Princess Mary Renata. 327
guished novice of this year, if such she may be
called, for no particulars are known as to the circum-
stances under which she received the habit. In the
early part of last century, an ancient oil painting
existed in the Institute house at Munich, hanging
in the upper corridor among many other portraits.
This picture was a likeness of the young Princess
Mary Renata, daughter of Duke Albert, Landgrave
of Leuchtenberg, Maximilian I.'s brother. She died
March i, 1630, aged fourteen, and was painted, as
was the custom in those days, after death, lying in
her coffin, and dressed in the habit then worn by
the members of the Institute. On the picture is
painted her name and date of death, with the
Electoral coat of arms. One of the devout family
of the House of Bavaria, noted for the number of
those who for many generations had had a great
repute of sanctity, either entering severe religious
orders, or leading, as seculars, saintly lives of self-
abnegation and good works, the young Princess may
have cherished the hope of one day devoting herself
to God as a religious of the Institute, and her life
being cut short, she asked to be buried in the habit.
Such a fact, whatever its explanation, speaks much
for the affection and esteem with which the Institute
and its members were regarded by the Electoral
family. It shows that these were in no ways lessened
by the large measure of public obloquy they were
undergoing through other sources.
To return to Mary Ward personally. Month after
month of the year 1630 had gone by, and still the
authorities at Rome did not move. At length, in
Report of Imprisonment.
the month of November, the report was spread in
Vienna that the suppression of the Institute had
been determined in a private Congregation of the
Holy Office, and that the Papal Bull was in pre-
paration. Moreover, to make the destruction of the
Institute more complete and undoubted, and the
disgrace greater in the eyes of the world, Mary
Ward was herself to be imprisoned as a heretic.
The equanimity with which Mary received this news
may be gathered from what has already been told
of her. But we know it further from the pen of her
companions. " She spoke of it among them familiarly
and pleasantly, and by way of pastime, and seeing
that it seemed horrible to them, she represented it in
a way all Divine, as very sweet, very just, and very
holy, for those who would use it aright. But this
grace," adds the writer, concerning her listeners, "was
not given to all." " One of ours," she writes, perhaps
of herself, "at another time, ready to burst with
feeling, let slip in her presence the following words :
* I could almost take it unkindly at the hand of
Almighty God ' But Mary took up her words
very sharply, saying, 'If you thought so, it were
impossible to love you, and beware not to let such
a thought come into your mind.' " " On another
occasion, one among them saying that * our suffer-
ances were dry sufferances,' she replied : ' Oh, no !
they are pleasant and fruitful,' and this was said
with such a heavenly sweetness and smile, as if she
had indeed tasted it."
But Mary, however full of joy to suffer for God as
an innocent person, was keenly alive to the sufferings
Letter to Cardinal Borghese. 329
which would also fall upon those connected with her,
in what was about to follow. Bound in heart, as she
knew they were, to the state they had embraced,
when deprived of their mother and head and cast on
the world in a strange land, to what temptations and
trials would they not be exposed ! Nor was she
regardless of the dishonour to God, and the hurt
to themselves, as well as the danger to souls,
which would result from the complete success of those
who were urging the proceedings forward against her.
She determined therefore on one last attempt to
stay the course of these proceedings, yet perhaps
more that she might neglect nothing which lay
in her own power, than with any real hopes of
success. Cardinal Borghese had oh a former occasion,
in 1625, been a successful pleader of the cause of the
English Virgins. Mary therefore wrote to him,^ tell-
ing him the reports which were spread abroad of the
intended suppression of the Institute and her own
imprisonment. She added, that if it was the good
pleasure of His Holiness that she should give up her
Institute and the plans connected with it, nothing
more was necessary than the signification that such
was his will, which she would immediately with
greatest submission fulfil, to his entire satisfaction,
without injury to any one, and so that no further
trouble would arise. For the rest, in what she had
hitherto done she had had no other end in view than
God Himself, and the good of the Catholic Church,
and for the same end she was equally ready at once
to abandon the way of life which had been begun,
^ Gottseliges Leben, etc. , Father T. Lohner, p. 237.
330 Memorial to the Pope.
and not to swerve a finger's breadth from the com-
mands which His Holiness would lay upon her.
Together with this letter she inclosed a memorial
addressed to Urban himself, asking the Cardinal to
deliver it, or if he could not, or did not think good to
do so himself, to let her know, and then she would
find some other way of forwarding it. Mary seems,
however, to have ascertained that the Cardinal under-
took this office for her, but it was perhaps already too
late when the inclosure reached the Pope's hands.
The memorial to Urban was in Italian,- and was
as follows :
Most Holy Father, — All that has been said and done at
the present time against ours in Flanders and some parts of
Germany, causes nie to have recourse to your Holiness, and
in all humility to lay what I now write before you for your
paternal consideration. It is now thirty years since, through
the mercy of God, I determined to leave the world, and to
apply myself to a spiritual life. Twenty-five years since, I
left my native country and parents, the more to please and
better to serve His Divine Majesty. Ten years I employed
in prayer, fasting and penance, and other things suitable for
such a result, to learn in what order of religion, or mode of
life, I was to spend my days according to the Divine preor-
dination. And that which unworthily I now profess, and by
the mercy of God have for twenty-two years practised, was
not (God Himself being my witness) either as a whole, or in
part, undertaken through the persuasion or suggestion of any
man living, or whom I have ever seen, but totally and
entirely (as far as human judgment can arrive), ordained
and commended to me by the express word of Him Who
2 This copy is in the Nymphenbuig Archives, in the ancient hand-
writing of one of Mary Ward's companions.
Perfect sttbrnission. 331
will not deceive, nor can be deceived. Who also gave light
to understand and know the said state, inclination to em-
brace it and love it, clear demonstration of its utility, abun-
dant manifestation of the glory thence to redound to the
Divine Majesty, loving invitations to labour in the same,
made efficacious also by giving strength to suffer for, it,
indubitable promises of promoting and perfecting it, and
assurance that this Institute shall remain in the Church of
God until the end of the world. By this short explanation,
I pretend nothing less than to prefer such lights or inspira-
tions before the authority of Holy Church, nor my interior
assurance before the judgment and decision of the Sovereign
Pontiff, but only in the present extremity in which I find
myself obliged to do so, to lay all as it is before you, which
having humbly set forth, if your Holiness commands me to
desist from these practices, I will not fail to obey. May
God in His mercy have no regard on this occasion to my
un worthiness, but inspire your Holiness to do in it what will
be most to the Divine glory. Qiiam Deus, etc. This 28th
November, 1630,
Address — "Alia Santita di nostro Signore per Maria
della Guardia, Inglese."
While reading this resume of her work and its
origin, we have to recall to ourselves Mary Ward's
irrepressible simplicity of character in bringing it
forward at such a moment. In asking Urban to stay
yet awhile the total annihilation of the work of her
life, she knows nothing better than to throw him back
on his own most stringent decree of 1625, condemning
all those who build theories or act upon lights and
revelations yet unsanctioned by Holy Church. It was
for him alone " to separate the precious from the vile,"^
and like a child she shows him the Light that had set
332 Dissatisfaction of the Emperor.
her on her course, and had led her through all that
tangled way up to the moment at which she wrote.
Could that Light be of this earth only ? It is for him
to make the decision ere he strikes the annihilating
blow.
It is scarcely necessary to remark that neither in
this memorial, nor in the letter in which it was
inclosed, is there any reference, much less justifica-
tion, as to the charges laid upon Mary as cause for
her punishment, nor any mention that a formal notifi-
cation had been sent to her of these charges, or of a
trial in progress. Mary knew, however, what these
charges were, and who was the author of them,
Winefrid mentions both frequently, and that some
one person was especially concerned in them. Neither
from Mary herself, nor from her friend and biogra-
pher, is there any clue given by which their author
can individually be traced. What we do know is,
that whoever he was, he was fully and perfectly
forgiven by Mary, and that she was as free from any
feeling against him, as if the ill deed had never been
committed against herself.
When the report of what was intended against
Mary Ward came to the ears of the Emperor Fer-
dinand, he at once expressed his dissatisfaction, and
would not consent to have any part in the measures,
by allowing them to have effect in Vienna. He had
invited her to his capital with his own hand : so
ungenerous a return made to one whom he esteemed
his guest, and both innocent of what was laid against
her, and holy, did not accord with his noble and
upright nature. Besides, those whose opinion he
Mary returns to Munich. 333
valued beyond his own, had thrown their evidence in
her favour into the scale : Father Domenico di Gesu,
whose canonization he was asking for, and whose
advice he had asked respecting her ; Cardinal Klessel,
but lately dead, who had retracted what he had said
against her ; and his own confessor. Father Lemor-
main, who befriended the Institute and its members.
But Mary herself would not be a party to any even
passive opposition to the decree, as she then supposed,
of the Pope, or in any way put a bar to its execution
by taking advantage of Ferdinand's protection. She
therefore consulted Cardinal Pallotta, and with his
consent determined to return to Munich, where her
own knowledge of Maximilian led her to believe, that
his, perhaps over-sensitive, conscientiousness would not
allow him ever to use his prerogatives as a sovereign
to delay the fulfilment of the commands of the Holy
Office. /
No orders having arrived at Vienna from Rome,
Mary set off for Munich, doubtless on foot as usual.
The result of this journey was that in midwinter a
dangerous fever seized her in that city, which con-
fined her, finally, for three weeks to her bed, a
remedy which, we learn, she would never consent to
"but in the last extremity," considering it a worse
predicament than illness itself Mary had reached
Munich during November, and on January 13,
1630 (1631), Pope Urban signed the Bull of
Suppression of the Institute. "On St. Sebastian's
day"^ [January 20, says Winefrid, or rather Mary
' St. Sebastian continues to be one of the especial patrons of the
Institute, to whom much honour is given.
334 Arrival of the Decree,
Poyntz, her substitute, writing of Mary's illness], " in
the morning (but how this came into her thoughts
God alone knows) she said to us, ' I hinder my friends
from their design, I will go abroad, that they may
see I am not afraid, nor unwilling they do their plea-
sure.' " Commending herself to her holy patron, and
in imitation of him, she got up and went out into the
city. Her plan " had its effect," for " on the 7th of
February (then a Friday), about four of the clock in
the afternoon, came to our house the Dean of our
Blessed Lady her church in Munich, with two canons
of the same church, and produced a letter addressed
to himself, which he read in this tenor, " Take Mary
Ward as a heretic, schismatic, and rebel to the Holy
Church."
CHAPTER IV.
The Anger Convent.
1631.
Mary Ward then had not defended her cause before
the Tribunal of the Holy Office. She knew the
accusations against her, she knew who were her
accusers, she knew the sentence in preparation, but
she had remained silent. A fortnight elapsed be-
tween the feast of St. Sebastian, when she left her
bed, with the interior knowledge of the arrival of her '
sentence from Rome, and the day when she received
the Dean's visit. During that short space of time we
know only of two occurrences connected with herself
and the Institute. The one is worthy of mention, as
showing the light in which Maximilian and the
Electoral family regarded both, in spite of the
doubtful position in which the deliberations of the
Holy See had placed them for many long months,
and in spite of all that the ready tongues of evil
reporters would say on such an occasion. They had
trusted Mary Ward from the first, and they trusted
her still. The other speaks for itself as to its value
in illustration of Mary Ward's character, and, being
of the greater importance of the two, shall be
mentioned first. Mary was aware by some interior
336 Circular to the Houses.
knowledge that the Bull was issued on some day-
soon after St. Sebastian's feast. She therefore wrote
a circular to all the houses of the Institute, and gave
it to Elisabeth Cotton, with orders to forward it
immediately the expected Bull was publicly promul-
gated, desiring the entire obedience of every member
of the Institute to its contents. So sure did Mary feel
of what was coming upon herself, and that she should
be unable to give these directions at a later day.
With regard to the Electoral family, soon
after the establishment of the English Virgins
in the Paradeiser Haus, the Electress Elisabeth
intrusted to their care a young German girl named
Ursula Trollin, then about thirteen years of age.
This young girl was of no high extraction, but born
of poor parents in the village of Zornotting near
Munich. She had been brought under the notice
of the Electress as quite a young child, on account
of her many beautiful qualities both of mind and
body, and had so endeared herself to her patroness,
that she adopted her, and had her instructed in
all kinds of learning, and every womanly accom-
plishment. Among these a very elegant handwriting
is named, an accomplishment rare in those days,
which was made use of in copying ornamental manu-
scripts of various kinds for Elisabeth. The charge of
Ursula's education was afterwards transferred to Mary
Ward, who, with her companions, received Ursula with
joy, both as a mark of the favour of the Electress,
and also from a special interest in a pupil of such
great promise. Ursula showed an extraordinary faci-
lity for all sorts of mental and artistic acquirements.
Ursula Trollin. 337
as years passed on. A brilliant future in a worldly
point of view was in prospect for her if she chose,
for Elisabeth would provide her a handsome dowry,
and her beauty, and intellectual culture, and the pres-
tige attached to her as the favourite of the Electress,
would secure her an alliance from among the distin-
guished families of the Court. But Ursula's spiritual
progress had been as great as the growth of her other
qualities. The pious Electress, finding that her thoughts
were turning with her older years towards the religious
state, offered her such a portion as would insure her
reception by any among the long-established convents
of Bavaria.
Ursula had, however, already made her choice,
and no offer, even the most tempting, was likely to
move her from it. She had found her vocation, and
her whole soul was engrossed with the desire of
attaining to that perfection which she saw set before
her in the Institute, which she henceforward sought to
enter. Her desires and prayers were heard, and Elisa-
beth acceded to her wishes. On January 25, 163 1, a
few days after Mary rose from her bed to go and
meet her sentence, Ursula, in spite of all which at
that time had become known to the Electoral family,
was received as a novice by her, entering the inferior
grade of Jungfraus. This bright beginning was made
good by a long and holy life in religion, and we shall
find that her fidelity had again to pass through a
severe trial, but that she again remained unmoved.
To return to Mary Ward herself We have seen
that Almighty God had prepared her by some interior
light on the feast of St. Sebastian for what was at
W 2
338 Dean Go lids visit.
hand. It was on that day, or a day or two after, that
the Dean received the official mandate, but he had
communicated it to no one except the Elector and
the authorities of the convent where she was to be
imprisoned, who were personally unknown to her.
No one else in the city therefore was cognizant of the
arrival of the orders from Rome. On the morning of
February 7, however, Mary again had some internal
warning given her by God, for, without'their knowing
why, she asked her companions in a grave earnest
tone, in what part of Munich the Convent of St. Clare
was situated, of which the Franciscan Fathers were
the Superiors .•* Mary was far from recovered from
her illness, and had been unable to leave her room
since the feast of St. Sebastian. Too ill to go down
to the public guest-rooms, she had to receive Dean
Golla in her sick-chamber. We have two separate
accounts of what passed, one written by Mary Poyntz,
the other by Elisabeth Cotton, the only two among
the English Virgins who were allowed to be witnesses
of the transaction.
The Dean was accompanied by two priests, canons
of the Cathedral. Nothing could be more striking
than the contrast between the demeanour of the
accused, and that of the messengers, sent armed with
full powers from the Holy Office to carry her pun-
ishment into execution. The Dean, with trembling
hands and faltering voice, fulfilled his part, while the
two attendant priests were in tears. Mary, remaining
in her usual tranquillity and cheerfulness, was seized
with horror at hearing herself called, in the words of
the mandate, " that which she abhorred as Hell itself,
Reception of the sentence. 339
and more," adds Mary Poyntz, "if Hell could be
without loss of God." But she gave no other outward
sign of emotion than to make the sign of the Cross,
and smiled when the secular arm was named to
which they had orders to resort, if need be. " They
should not," she said, " require that trouble ; it was
not fitting in her to make resistance." Adding, with
submissive and respectful tone and manner, " She
would willingly go to whatever prison they desired,
the more ignominious the better it would be. Suffering
without sin was no burden."
The Dean told her that the commission from the
Holy Office, conveyed in a letter to himself, written
by the Cardinal St. Onofrio (Cardinal Antonio
Barberini the Pope's brother), had reached him a
fortnight before, and that he had not the heart to
follow it up. That he had provided for her an
honourable retreat in a cbhvent of great repute of the
Order of St. Clare, called of the Anger, and that the
fact was known alone to the Elector, the Abbess, and
a few of the nuns, and to the Commissary of the Order,
who had to give the leave of entrance. His Holiness
had sent a Brief to the Elector Duke of Bavaria, in
case of her offering resistance, desiring him to lend the
arm of authority to enforce submission. He added
also, that her removal to the convent should be in the
night, that it might not be publicly known. But
Mary replied with great firmness, though with even a
joyful accent, " Why does your lordship speak of
honour while giving me the name of heretic, and
treating me as such? It would matter little in-
deed in such a case that I had no honour." Nor
340 Conversation with the Dean.
would she hear of leaving the Paradeiser Haus by
night. "By no means," she said, "the more it was
known the better, it would be a wrong to her inno-
cence to seek the darkness, she had ever loved the
light, and to do all her actions in the light."
Mary then conversed cheerfully with the Dean
and his companions. The interview lasted two hours,
during which she explained to him how all had passed
as to her affairs, showing clearly to him how much
she had been misunderstood, and that she had never
been prohibited from persevering in her Institute, and
that she had always solicited in Rome to know the
determination of the Pope, as divers of her letters
would testify. All that she had heard from him was
in singular praise of the company, and he had said,
"if it were inclosed, it would be like a wedge of
gold," though without inclosure he would not confirm it.
Mary then asked the Dean whether, if His Holiness
would not confirm the Institute, his will was there-
fore to destroy it altogether, and not even tolerate it,
to which the Dean answered he did not know. She
also said that the Cardinal who had given her the
above opinion as expressed by His Holiness, was one
of the principal among them and very near his person,
and therefore she had no cause to believe that the
orders received from Rome had really emanated from
the Pope. She told the Dean also that she had
appealed to Rome, and had received no answer to her
appeal.
Mary finally asked to take leave of the Sisters,
but the Dean was not willing that this should be, and
Mary yielded, to avoid the scene of distress likely to
Conscientiousness of the Elector. 341
ensue among them. She then begged to be allowed
to recommend herself to God before her departure,
which being granted, she knelt down for the space of
a Pater and Ave in the same room, and then silently
prepared to leave the house. She had already
earnestly entreated to go on foot, but the Dean
would not hear of her doing so, and a carriage was
waiting at the door to convey her through the streets.
When on the point of departure, Mary thanked Dean
Golla for his trouble. She seems to have felt keenly
that the Elector should for a fortnight have known
what was in preparation, and that he should not have
given her timely notice beforehand, but have allowed
the blow to fall, without any warning, thus suddenly
upon her. The judgment she had formed had proved
to be a right one, that Maximilian's conscientious sub-
mission to whatever came from Rome, would lead him
to a different course of action with regard to her, from
that taken so decidedly by the Emperor Ferdinand.
Maximilian would not interpose his authority in any
way to hinder the execution of the decree of the
Holy Office. Yet at the same time he did not
conceal his firm belief in Mary's innocence. On the
contrary, he expressed his grief and distress at the
severity of the decree which condemned one so guilt-
less and virtuous, whose holy life had caused her to
be universally honoured, who had never until now
had the shadow of such an accusation laid against
her, to the disgrace and hardships of a prison, and
especially at a time when she was broken down with
illness. His own good name and reputation for
wisdom, as having been the patron and protector
142 Mary's distress.
of Mary, were concerned in her being cleared. But
his accustomed piety would at once point out to him
the hand of God in what was passing, and his very
confidence in the guiding of that hand, and of the
goodness of Mary's cause, helped him to remain
passive, by permitting the decree to take its course,
in the certainty that Almighty God would overrule
all, and finally bring her innocence to light.
Yet Mary could not but feel that the blow had
come under its sharpest form, through the entire
silence of the Elector and Electress, for whom she
entertained the highest affection and respect, whereas
its edge would have been softened by some kindly
word or message from them. There had been full
opportunity also. For the clothing of the novice
Ursula, but a few days before, must have brought
with it both an increased intercourse with the Courts
and many communications on the subject of Elisa-
beth's protegee. From all that passed subsequently
as to both sovereigns, the ready explanation however
offers itself, that like Dean Golla, with their great
regard and reverence for Mary, they had not the
heart to enter upon a subject which they felt
acutely, while seeing no way conscientiously open
to them, of shielding her from the consequences which
were to fall upon her. With feelings therefore
of mingled grief and delicacy, they remained silent.
Mary read their hearts, and appreciated their motives,
while she suffered from their apparent coldness, which
might well throw a doubt in the minds of others as
to their opinions respecting her. Turning to the
Dean as she went away, she begged him to thank
Grief of the Community. 343
Maximilian, that during the fortnight since the arrival
of the decree, he had refrained from giving her any
knowledge of its contents. But she added to those
around her : " Mortification and suffering are best
for us when the most complete ! " showing fully by
these words what she was mentally suffering by his
silence.
Mary Poyntz and Elisabeth Cotton accompanied
Mary to the door of the house. Anne Turner, the
lay-sister who had for long been her attendant to
provide for the needs of her suffering health, and act
as her nurse in the severe attacks of illness to which
she was subject, was permitted to go with her in the
carriage, that she might continue these services, and
share her imprisonment. The rest of the community
in the Paradeiser Haus, numbering at that time forty^
were in entire ignorance of what was passing. As
soon as the carriage drove away, Mary Poyntz, the
Superior, called them together and told them what
had happened. "Who shall express," she writes,.
" the trouble into which we were thrown, when^
casting our thoughts on every side, we considered
the weakness of her health, and the power and
violence of her enemies, which cut us off" from all
accessible means of help except God alone, to Whom.
we had recourse without ceasing ! " They at once
began an uninterrupted course of intercessory prayer,,
taken up in succession by each one among them,.
day and night, and wrote the sorrowful tidings off to^
the distant houses with an injunction to pursue the
same plan in each.^
^ It is from Elisabeth Cotton's circular letter, as secretary, that
much information is obtained (Nymphenburg Archives).
344 '^^^ Anger Nuns.
Before accompanying Mary Ward after she left
the door of the Paradeiser Haus, it is necessary to
say a few words concerning the place of her imprison-
ment. The Monastery of the Anger, close to the
Church of St. James, was built by the Minorite Friars
during the life of St. Francis, on a waste piece of
ground, outside the city of Munich, whence its name
was derived. In the time, however, of Mary Ward, it
was in the midst of the streets, at some distance within
the walls, the city having gradually grown around it.
Since the year 1284, a colony of Poor Clares from
Ulm had occupied the monastery. These nuns
attained a high reputation for sanctity from the
perfection and austerity of their lives, which drew
to them, from generation to generation, the daughters
of the chief Bavarian families, including even
members of the Electoral and Imperial Houses, who
entered among them and became equally noted for
their eminent holiness. The saintly character of the
inmates of the Anger Convent was still notorious
in Bavaria when Mary Ward founded the house
of the Institute in Munich, and in the year we are
considering, there were no less than eight of the nuns
who were favoured by Almighty God with various
extraordinary spiritual gifts. The Abbess, of whom
we shall presently hear further, was one of these,
Countess Catharine Bernardin.'^
It was in the custody of these saintly religious
' Menologio Franciscano, by P. Fortunatus Hueber. Of the Abbess
Catharine it is told, that when not yet restored to herself from an ecstasy,
she exclaimed, **0 how unbearable to me is earth, when I have looked
upon Heaven ! O earth how little and contemptible thou art before the
greatness of God ! not even as a needle's point ! "
Reception of Mary, 345
that Mary Ward was to be placed. Nothing could
certainly on the face of it appear better, and such
was the arrangement of Dean Golla, or rather of
those on whose opinion he acted, to whose choice
the place of her imprisonment had been left. The
good nuns seem to have been thoroughly impressed
with the enormity of the crimes of their expected
prisoner, for so well had they kept their rule of
inclosure, as to know little of her by report before
her entrance. Mary, as we have seen, had no
personal acquaintance with any of them. It was
enough alone that she was a supposed heretic, to
inspire them with horror and astonishment, and this
feeling had been worked up to the highest point by
the stringent orders received by the Abbess as to
Mary's treatment. The most severe of these re-
mained private, but, on pain of excommunication,
she was to allow of no intercourse whatever with any
of the Poor Clares, by word or writing. Certain of
them were to watch by turns, day and night, outside
her door, which was to be double-locked and chained,
while certain others only had to take to her what
was necessary, but all in rigid silence.
The expectations of the whole community were
therefore stretched to the utmost in awaiting the
arrival of '• this monstrous heretic," whom, it may be,
they figured to themselves in the shape of some
raging unmanageable maniac. The Commissary of
the Order and certain Franciscan Fathers were also
in attendance to receive her. What then was the
surprise of all concerned when Mary appeared,
"humble, meek, patient and courageous in deport-
346 Mary's demeanour.
ment, with calm features, whose very aspect inspired
reverence and devotion in her beholders," so much so
that the sight of her had the immediate effect of
sending off several of these holy religious to their
prayers, to seek of God the explanation of so strange
an enigma. The Franciscan Fathers were moved
even to tears, which Mary perceiving, hastened to use
arguments to reassure and compose them, saying
"that there was in very truth no need to compassionate
her for that she deemed herself too happy and too
much honoured, being a sinner, to be treated as saints
were," and that "suffering without sin was no pain."
Among the nuns who so quickly left the newly
arrived prisoner, there was one of many years'
standing, " of noted sanctity." This was probably
Sister Jacoba Brunnhueberin, as it was known of her
that, by a gift of God, she could read the hearts of
others. She shortly returned from her prayers to
the Abbess and said to her, " My Mother, how are
we misinformed.'' This is a great servant of God,
whom we have received, and our house is happy in
her setting foot in it. Let me have at least the
happiness of going to look at her at the door,
although I am not permitted to speak to her." This
she asked with such importunity and earnestness,
that the Abbess granted it. Mary then knew not
what to understand of the dumb show which followed
shortly after she reached her miserable apartment.
Greatly was she surprised, when, after a careful
unlocking and unchaining, the door was opened
enough for her to see a religious of venerable
appearance, kneeling on the threshold, with clasped
Mary in Prison. 2i47
hands, in an attitude of devotion, who withdrew in
a few moments in silence.^
The room where Mary was to be shut up as close
prisoner was in the most ancient part of the convent,,
and far removed from the quarters occupied by the
nuns. It was used ordinarily for such among them
as had caught infectious or incurable diseases. Some
one had long occupied it who was in a dying state, and
had been hastily removed to make room for Mary,
and we may well reflect, in reading the description
in the manuscripts of the walls and bedstead, that
none of the numerous modern sanitary precautions
were then in vogue. Indeed, the marvel is how .the
sick ever recovered under such conditions. The
room, walls, and furniture seem to have been left
untouched, not only since the removal of the patient,
but for long before, so that the odour pervading the
atmosphere was revolting and unhealthy in the
extreme. The ceiling was so low, that it could be
touched by the hand. Two very small windows
looked out upon the graveyard of the convent, and
these were boarded up to within a hand's breath
of the top, so that but little light or air could get
through. In this gloomy apartment Mary and the
faithful Anne Turner were to live, with locked and
" Sister Jacoba died at an advanced age in 1660, having been fifty
years sacristane. The Holy Child frequently revealed Himself to her
as a boy of twelve years of age. About the time we are considering,
l)efore there was any prospect of Munich being devastated by the
Swedes, an image of Our Lady of Dolours in the convent had been
seen to weep plentifully, and Jacoba then learned from her the desola-
tion that was to come.
348 The first night.
chained doors, nor was she to leave it even to get a
little fresh air.
The state of mind in which Mary prepared to
lie down upon the miserable bedstead, on the first
night of her captivity, was afterwards described by her
to her companions, who doubtless eagerly questioned
her on every particular of a subject, to them of such
great interest. It seemed to Mary then that death now
lay not far distant from her. In the state of her
health, it was unlikely that she could long survive
confinement in such a place and atmosphere. Nor
did she think that those who had brought about her
imprisonment, and "she knew full well," says Mary
Poyntz, "the persons and actors in the business,
would have proceeded so far, and yet intended that
she should subsequently go abroad in the world
again." Making therefore an act of resignation, and of
entire abandonment of herself into the hands of God,
she found unspeakable interior peace and content-
ment, in the hope, that the long-wished for time had
come, in which she had nothing to do but to think of
God, love Him, and depend upon Him, with full con-
fidence in His Fatherly protection with regard to
hers." But Mary had mistaken the end for which
Almighty God had permitted this trial to fall upon
her. She could not sleep. To suffer for Him was a
matter of the deepest joy and satisfaction to her, but
she was not left long in this pleasurable state, she
soon felt an interior reproof "It was not enough to
content herself with passive suffering, and give up
labour and action." The thought did not please her,
and though she did not utterly reject, she turned
Resolution to defend her innocence. 349
away from it, and determined to sleep and pursue
the matter no further. She strove forcibly to carry
this out, in spite of the offensiveness of the walls
and bedstead reminding her of contagion and of the
dying. Though she succeeded in overcoming
nature as to these, it appeared interiorly as if
some power, stronger than herself, were forcing her
to reconsider the thought she had put away, and
menacing her if she would not resolve to labour in
defence of her own innocence, and that of those who
belonged to her, consequently to do all that lay in her
power for her own deliverance. In vain she tried to
sleep, the thought repeated itself again and again,
she found herself overmastered, and obliged finally to
submit, and promise to act in all ways accordingly.
No sooner was this resolution taken than without any
further troublesome imaginations as to the means to
accomplish so difficult an undertaking, she fell into a
peaceful slumber and " slept well," says Mary Poyntz,
" according to her sleeps."
"The next morning the two Franciscan Fathers
came," continues the manuscript, " with much charity
to comfort us, and related the great tranquillity,
courage, and cheerfulness which Mary had shown,
evident marks, they said, of her innocence." Mary
Poyntz who received them, while writing this, cannot
forbear the warm expression of her feelings in recount-
ing the sufferings of one whom she so tenderly loved.
" I confess my wickednes.s, it has grown a horror to
me to see priest or friar, but at the altar and in the
confession seat, which that blessed servant of God did
sharply reprehend, seeking to imprint in us all that
350 Lemon-juice correspondence.
treasure which she herself possessed in an inex-
pressible degree, of loving enemies." On that day
Mary's bedding was allowed to be sent from the Para-
deiser Haus, and the permission was also given that
the English Virgins should prepare and send her
themselves, the food which her extreme state of health
demanded. This gave them great satisfaction for
many considerations. A plan had been arranged
beforehand, perhaps in one of those cheerful conversa-
tions of which we have heard, when Mary's imprison-
ment, yet distant, was a subject of light talk among
them, which was greatly forwarded by such a permission.
Correspondence between Mary and hers was not
forbidden, but as every letter had to pass through the
hands of certain of her keepers, no harm it was
thought could occur, as all were to be inspected. So
careful were they on this point, that they searched all
the food which was sent, lest a note should be con-
cealed among it. But the food nevertheless became
the vehicle of daily communication between Mary and
the Paradeiser Haus, " nor was the art anything
great or subtle," as Mary Poyntz writes, "but God
that knew our need did use that mercy with us that it
was undiscovered." The experience which Mary and
her children had gained, in the troublous state of
their own country, did them good service on this
occasion. For the art was one much used, as we
know, by those who were sufferers for the faith there,
though frequently they rather afforded information to
their persecutors, than benefited themselves by its
means. Mary seems to have taken with her a little
supply of lemon juice, and the pieces of paper.
Directions to the Sisters. 351
however common, in which various articles of food, or
other requirements for her use were wrapped, and
even the pages of books of devotion, were taken
advantage of to transmit all that was necessary to
say on either side.* In this manner Mary made
known to her companions all that was to be done in
the work of her deliverance, which she had promised
to God to labour for, and which she at once took in
hand.
Every act also of theirs of any importance was
thus directed by her during the whole time of her
stay at the Anger. These notes were frequently
dated by Mary " From my palace, not prison, for
truly so I find it." But before proceeding with this
part of her story, a better idea both of Mary herself
and of her prison life, will be gained by her speaking
for herself in these daily notes to the Sister.s, which
were carefully copied by the loving hand of Mother
Elisabeth Cotton. The first sheet of this copy is lost,
that which has been preserved beginning in the
middle of a sentence on the fifth day of her im-
prisonment, and, therefore, after Mary had made the
first arrangements towards obtaining her release.
Mary Poyntz and Elisabeth Cotton seem to have
been, for caution's sake, the only two who were in-
trusted with the knowledge of the secret corres-
pondence, and Mary writes .sometimes to one,
sometimes to the other, meaning all she says for both.
* What is written in lemon-juice, it is well known, is invisible until
held to the fire, when the writing turns brown. There are a large
number of these lemon juice notes, on all sorts of pieces of rough
common paper, in Mary Ward's hand, in the Nymphenberg Archives.
352 Notes from prison.
For my partner^ his letters, patience, we must supply by
prayer. It were good he knew, and then let him do what
God puts in his mind. Undone he may be, either in going
or staying, but we will pray and hope the best, and not be
troubled at what we cannot mend, but confide in God.
For your friend his letters, cut out his name and wear them
about you according to your devotion. Meat I eat little,
but pisto, broth, eggs, send less in quantity of all, else the
care had of diet and all else, doth much edify here. God's
blessing on Cicely her heart for keeping her hands so
warm ! and on your vows for letting no two know of our
correspondence. Now to the Doctor. Yours the last night
did me a great pleasure, for I had been in some pain lest
upon speech of my ill arm (^ which is now better) you out of
your much love had committed some indiscretion. Thus
it passed here. The Abbess came to me in more than
usual gravity, and said the Dean had sent to see how I did,
and that when I should have need of a doctor. Doctor
Dirmer should come to me. I returned thanks, saying, I
would when need required, but for the present there was no
need. The Abbess said not now to me of the Duchess,
nor that the Doctor was here in person. Send for him for
somewhat else, and hear the whole what the Abbess said
( Wednesday night also).
But what becomes of Father Ludovico, what impression
makes his death ? What meant the Doctor's coming hither
from Besse^ the other day ? Let Mother Rectrice seal with
her own seal till the Pope forbid her all, then keep it safe,
and tell whosoever asketh for it, that a friend whom she will
not discover begged it of her, and she gave it the said
friend, &c. She shall know more what to say about these
matters, ere they can come to question of these affairs ; till
they hear from Rome they will say no more nor do no
^ The Rev. Henry Lee.
6 The Electress Elisabeth, who apparently had sent Doctor Dirmer.
Deaths of opponents. 353
other, let them rest in peace, but we will prevent time and
not be behind-hand with them. Write to Mr. Lee that his
letters are taken, but you hope there is not hurt in them,
that he may haste to get possession of his canonry, that he
use and observe Father Lamormaine'^ with all confidence
and good will, as verily he deserved from him. Bid the
Rectrice [Margaret Genison] there go to Father Lamor-
maine, and tell him how all hath passed here, and that
Father Contzen makes braggs that he hath done this deed,
that she hopes his Paternity will be another kind of friend
and father to all, that in the end the aforesaid good Father
will have no cause to boast of the matter, neither those that
followed his counsel, but let her say nothing in particular
against Besse, her beloved, let her carry herself with humility
and moderation. By the next she shall know what further,
but let us let God do what He will in His turn, which I
beseech Him may be with much lenity towards our adver-
saries. I was not well, but am now as usual. Mother
Rectrice her picture to the Abbess worked wonders. She
saith she hath writ to the Rectrice, but perchance she hath
failed in her titles, at which I smiled and said, ours have
left and forgotten their titles. Nothing edifies more than
this, and with cause, for the contrary is very unworthy
{Thursday noon).
The religious mentioned in the beginning of this
note was, as she afterwards names, one of Mary's
opposers whose deaths are subsequently spoken of
by Mary Poyntz as occurring during her imprison-
ment, and therefore making a great sensation in the
city. Two were suddenly carried off, and a third
was brought to the edge of the grave and despaired
of by the doctors. They were all the occasion of acts
of eminent charity on Mary's part. The news of the
' The Jesuit Father at Vienna, who was the Emperor's confessor.
X 2
354 Mary's charity.
condition of the last mentioned, whom the writer of
the manuscript names as the principal author of her
imprisonment, and who knew she was innocent of the
alleged cause, being brought to her, she set herself to
pray, and protested before Almighty God that she
would not rise from her knees until it pleased His
Divine Majesty to grant her request. Mary knew
that there were few to pray for him. Her prayer was
long, but it would appear that she was heard, for the
recovery, and the circumstances attending it, were
considered by the doctors as miraculous. It was her
custom, whenever the account of the death of any of
those who opposed her was brought to her, to lay
aside what she was doing and to say a Pater and Ave
for them. There is a remarkable history told, which
seems to apply to one of the two who died suddenly
while she was at the Anger. With the same charitable
reticence which has before been noticed, the names in
all these three cases are omitted.
Having heard of the death of one who had done
great wrong both to herself, and to that which was
dearer to her than her life — the work of God intrusted
to her — and by so doing had abused great grace and
light which God had given him, as well as the con-
fidence she had placed in him, Mary knelt down to
say a Pater and Ave, as was her custom, for the
repose of his soul. As she did so, she felt her prayer
repulsed and thrown back upon her, as it were, in a
strange fashion. She did not discontinue it, however,
and, to make it more efficacious, she added, " Lord,
I pardon him with all my heart, and all that he has
done against me, which appears to oblige Thee, on
Her prayer repulsed. 355
the score of justice, to pardon him also." To which
she received intellectually this reply, "What he did
was not against thee, but against Me." This answer
took away from her all power of praying further, and
left her in such amazement that her countenance
betrayed her. The occurrence gave rise to a reso-
lution on her part to be more diligent henceforth,
during the lifetime of her opposers, since after their
death the matter was taken out of her hands. From
that time, for the rest of her life, she offered for them
to God her Friday Communions, and all she did on
that day.
To proceed with Mary's daily notes. On the 13th
of February she writes :
I had yours the last night. Lest I should forget, I have
little or no liquid [lemon-juice] left. We can only once a day
read what you write, wanting fire. Your last papers, I
cannot warm till night. Read you not the Saints' lives,
last and first ? Your Litany book so well garnished, I had
on Tuesday night. I cannot tell you again what was that
with the cover, it skills not. These religious are very
respectful and charitable, and surely very good. The Lady
Abbess is full of my writings. She hath been in some hopes
to have me here. She tells me my first vow was St. Clare's
Order, but I will understand nothing, and give less to be
understood. How often do I think of Mother Cicely ? I
am in a cloister, I trow, and closed up we are in one little
pretty stair on the first floor, joining upon the Grot where
they bury, and the deceased saints lie. Our habitation is
the place of the despaired of the sick. We did as it seems
displace one that is every moment a dying, and she hath
been sick these three years and hath spit up all her lungs,
where sometimes we fry and sometimes we freeze, and there
356 Notes from prison.
do all that we have to do, two little windows close walled
up, our door chained and double locked and never opened
but at the only entrance and departure of our two keepers,
and the Lady Abbess who is our chief guardian. We were
conducted in by the three same within and two Franciscans
who speak Italian, and the night, or rathej hour, we came
were placed beds near to our door, where night and day
four nuns keep guardia. Mass and sacraments are not
feasts for us to frequent, and for all this the place or
chamber we inhabit hath all in it could be wished. Indeed
I say true and marvel at it, but our Lord and Master is
also our Father and gives no more than Lady-like, and what
is most easy to be borne. Be sure no complaints be made,
nor notice taken of these things. Commend me dearly to
all friends at home and abroad, my Jungfrau, Maria Rein-
dorfferin, Antonina, Mother Wivell, the novices, when time
serves, Mother Rectrice, to whom I dedicate this broken
epistle. Mother Jane, Cis, Win, Jane and all. Vale, vale,
God will reward your care and cost. You do better not to
go to Elisabeth till she send to you or for you to the Court,
but when you are sent for be very confident, loving and
rather more loving and free than ever — she suffers. (St. Peter's
complaints) {In the same in ink). Bestow not words
where works correspond not, prepare for the worst of beds.
Vale. (Feb. 13, 1631).
I had your two last nights'. Paper I have none, nor
must not have, but what you send things folded in, and that
will be enough. Liquor I have no more, and I marvel
there is so much left to write this. Tell Mother Rectrice
my mind inclines much more she should write very kindly
to Madame than go, it seems to me no ways fit she should
go to her, till first she know her coming will be grateful,
when the Duke hath answered about your banishment you
will hear of them I warrant you. I am sorry you had not
St. Peter's complaints last night, but you had enough to do
Directions to the Sisters. 357
besides. God grant you lost not the rest. Anne is well
and doth well. Fy, cowardly Rectrice ! (14 Feb. at noon).
I must write in such haste as God knows what I shall
say. I have this to-day with the lemon, and well, by chance
we have kept some fire and so read them and had been like
to have been taken tardy, but let that alone. By all means
you must visit or let be visited this monastery three times a
week at the least, her love and care is much praised, and I
did really think she or you yourself had often been here,
and that they would not tell me, and I would not be curious
to inquire, only once or twice asked, &c. I think the
Abbess thinks ours are forbid to come, and now the sooner
the better. If she ask you of nobility, slight hereof, and
never say any is noble or ignoble, go to other discourse.
The more love you show to your Superior the more you will
be loved and admired. I have no end in this but our
Master's honour, and the good of the course, as I hope time
will better manifest, she knows no more of you than what
your maid saith, &c. I had never that writing you mention
in the " extravagante " nor n6ver shall. Let us use this
manner warily or else we lose all, but I preach and cannot
myself forbear, if we use care we may serve ourselves and
misserve others, &c. I write in this poor paper not to be
mistrusted. You must ask when you come if it be the
Abbess, she is Abbess for life and indeed worthy her office
so far as I can judge, what she hears from you, you may be
sure she will say to others. Be as careful of your gestures
as words, for they see you even when they seem to be gone.
Vale to you both, but Mother Rect., by her leave shall do
no corporal penance but what I first know, nor you neither.
{14, at night). My dear Mothers, I have had great pain
and lameness in one hip all over, ever since I came hither.
Had yesterday and the day before good fits of my old
disease : this morning have these and yet have abundance
of health and strength to spend for my Lord and Master
358 Me7ttorials to Rome.
and in His service. It is not haling me to Rome will kill
me I warrant them. Who knows what God hath deter-
mined by these accidents, truly neither they nor I, nor do I
desire to know, or have other than His will. These people
are so good I can never praise them enough. Use the
Abbess most kindly, but take no notice of anything. Let
be spread out of hand, a whole box full of plasters for Med.
and sent Anne. Vale, be merry and doubt not in our
Master. To Mother Jane, Cis, Win., Mother Min., Mar)',
Bab. (From Anne to Jane with a picture, 15 Feb.).
CHAPTER V.
Release.
1631.
On the third day of Mary's imprisonment she sent
to her companions, by means of their lemon-juice
correspondence, the full particulars of the memorials
which should be sent in their name to Rome, in
consequence of the solemn resolution she had made
the night of her arrival at the Anger. Rough frag-
ments of the copies remain in Mary's hand, one
being to the Cardinals of the Holy Office, the other
to the Pope. Of the Cardinals they beg that their
" Mother Maria della Guardia being condemned of so
great an imputation as heresy, she be not deprived
of her life also. For her weakness and indisposition
of body considered, to put her in prison can be
deemed no other than to give her a violent death."
Submission to the Bull. 359
That to the Pope, Mary Poyntz tells us, was a brief
relation of what had passed, and concluded with
deprecating the state to which Mary was reduced,
it being, " if not death, a dying life. Vouchsafe, then,
to call her to Rome, give her leave at least once to
speak in her own cause, the case being made so public,
and that of which she is accused, and for which she
is thus treated, so enormous." Mary gave all the
particulars to her Sisters as to how to end and how
to address the memorials, and even adds to Elisabeth
Cotton, her secretary, " These must never be writ in
your hand, for then they will be indeed my deed."
They are to be addressed as sent "by all those of
whatsoever nation that live under the government
of Mother Maria Ward."
On the same day Dean Golla, doubtless with
kind intent, sent to advise Mary to notify at once
her desires to all those connected with her, that a
perfect obedience should be yielded by each member
of the Institute, to the requirements of the Bull about
to be promulgated. Mary, as the following note shows,
had already forestalled this advice, but thought it most
prudent, by repeating her orders, to make her own
entire submission to the Holy See more publicly
known. She therefore wrote in English what follows,
and sent it to the Paradeiser Haus :
Very Reverend my dear Mother, — I am requested by
the Very Rev. Sigr. Dean of this city of Monaco (a prelate
worthy of all satisfaction) to second by these the order
given yourself and all ours, of whatsoever place or province,
some few days before my imprisonment (which happened
on the 7th of February), which order, when I was taken
360 Fears of Mary 's companions.
prisoner, I willed Mother Elis. Cotton to write and send to
all our Colleges. I have not since seen nor spoken with
any of them, but am most certain that she would not omit
that or aught else so commanded. Perchance they have
missed a copy, therefore, of the same order comes now with
these a copy. Observe, I pray you, what they contain with
all promptitude and a right heart. In a secular estate you
may doubtless serve God much,^ and without your own or
others' molestation, and so wishing you no less good than
to my own soul, I remain, yours ever, wherein I am.
The copy is docketed outside by one of those
who received it, " Our Mother her order to us out of
the prison, to desire, &c., in her own hand. Feb. 10,
1631."^
After the memorials to the Pope and Cardinals
were despatched, Mary's companions began to fear
the consequences which might possibly result to
her from them. She comforts them accordingly in
answer :
For my being sent up to Rome, if so it happen will be
perchance for the best for us, but for the adverse part I see
not what it can profit them, for if they intend to have my
life, they can kill me with less noise far in these parts.
They know we have no friends, &c., but here or there, if
God would have me die, I would not live ; it is but to pay
the rent a little before the day, and to love and suffer for
God, or die and go to Him, are both singular graces and
such as I merit not, and one of the two, I trust in the
mercy of God, will fall to my happy lot. Meanwhile I will
^ Some of Mary Ward's later biographers make her words here,
"serve God much more," which is incorrect. The last word is not in
the manuscript.
^ Is'ymphenburg Archives.
Memorials to be repeated. 361
seek [to live], &c., but I would have you both not the least
troubled, but beg hard that He Himself would do what
Himself would have done. If now good Mother Keys were
writ unto to use as many friends for means to the Pope and
Congn. as she could, perchance the Pope his Confessor.
No, no, it is not the friars, nor clergy, but the Hierusa-
lems, &c., nor they but what God will. Get all out you can
by the Jungfrau^ or otherwise; visit the Dean, ask him what
I am to do, where my papers are, if they will be had again,
and seek from him what you can, showing confidence,
cordiality, &c. Vale, vale, vale. Wise Rectrice to cry ! I
will not have either the Rect. or yourself in the grotto after
9 or before 6. (Sunday morn. 16 Feb. on a bag with Anne's
mantle. )
I perceive plainly by their saying I am only in arrest,
that they have taken all you last wrote to Rome, that they
have perused if not also stayed all, and will frame what they
would accordingly, and they begin to doubt that those which
were to be put up to His Holiness, and the Congn. had
they gone in time, arrived in time I mean, and had been
well followed, they would have done more good in the main
than all princes' commendations, or aught else was ever yet
exhibited, and so much I did with some reason think and
believe ere I put pen to paper, &c. What you have now
to do is, that with all speed you write them all over again
just as they were, only to the strangers' you may put Diipli-
catum, and send them to Augusta [Augsburg], directed to
Kath. Kochin her sister, with earnest desire that she give
them the first post that goes for Rome. Let the bote come
to you the last thing he doth, or rather hire one on purpose,
which will be more sure ; let the man go with him out of
the town and then give them, &c. Write by the ordinary
way also, but what they can gather nothing by ; but to leave
that way were to seem to suspect them. Bid Mother Keys
2 Ursula TroUin.
362 , Fu7^ther directions.
in the ordinary way look always at both posts. Let Mother
Keys, after once His Holiness hath had that of yours to
him, that she be liberal of those others to the Cards. Let
her be expedite and quietly industrious and laborious in
the business ; speed and efficacy is all, and this done,
commend the case to God, that He would vouchsafe to
enlighten and forgive all, and use all they do to His honour
and the good of the work, as I have no doubt He will.
For my going to Rome be not troubled, if it happen so it
will be for the better. If you have writ the names whom
Mother Keys should labour by, plainly all is discovered.
Be careful what you say here, and neither here nor to any
complain of any, &c. Your visit here did much good;
it may be longer or shorter as yourselves will, or the Abbess
her time serves. They commend Mother Rectrice, how so
much love and care in meat, clothes, all, all. Mother
Rectrice may one day send my black cap lined with fur ;
on other day the thin scarfing or some good part of it, and
by that have opportunity, &c. Jesus be with both. Make
or not make your visit to the Dean as you judge good.
(Monday noon, 17 Feb.)
By great chance we had fire to read yours. Let Marg.
Jenison answer her uncle that she thanks him humbly for
his good counsel, but for her part she holds it the only way
for a quiet life to go into England and get her a good
husband ! or at least such an one as she can. We had the
unicorn's horn the second day. Why writes not Mother Rec-
trice to Madame ? The seal do not give him ; say you find
it not, and be sure you be at all times ready for a search.
Were there not some of my partner's letters amongst those
the Dean had ? if so he will be disgraced, for he writes too
plain of the figure, and our black adversaries, and they will
down with him, if so it were better he were advised thereof,
but where are my papers? (Monday night, with two
pictures to Mother Rectrice and me from Anne.)
Fears of discovery. 363
I am indeed ill in my head now and fear a recipula
[erysipelas] in my left arm, but take no notice, I will have
care enough and will write little for two or three days. If
God give health, we shall find another way to serve Him
than by becoming Ursulines. Trust not your old friend,*
he knew all this before I warrant you ; he is confident [in
the confidence of] with your Besse. Let not your Besse
know of our correspondence by no means. Mother Rec-
trice, send this Lady Abbess one of those fine silver pictures
as from yourself, as a token of your love and gratitude, with
three words writ to her of kindness. Vale, vale. [Tuesday
noon, 18 Feb., with thread which was too fine and a fillet
too short.]
I am heartily sorry for Father Ludovico ; let every one
of the novices say a Dirige for his soul. I doubt he will
not go alone, and yet I am daily earnest with God, in my
poor manner, that He would entirely pardon all our adver-
saries, and let them so without further punishing them. It
is good pleasing the Friend of friends and labouring in
eternal works, and above all to be entirely and for ever at
our Master's dispose. I say again, I will have neither
of you pray after 10 nor before 6. Seven hours a-bed,
and that Mother Rectrice sing Gillioti [some joyful song]
or such a like every day while I am here ! Vale, vale.
(Wednesday night, 19 Feb.)
Mary and her companions sometimes suffered
great anxiety, in the fear lest their correspondence
should be discovered by the contrivances they used
to pass it to and fro. Thus she says in one note :
" God knows I never had that scrap of goodwill last
night sent with the gingerbread, nor ever shall ; pray
that may never come to light, and send no such sort
* The Bishop of Bayreuth.
364 Leave to attend Mass.
any more, for God His sake." Their fears induced
them to adopt feigned names in writing, though these
disguises are so transparent, that their adoption was
of very doubtful service. Thus above, Peter was
Mary Poyntz, as Head of the Paradeiser Haus,
James, Elis. Cotton, the next in authority, Margery,
the Abbess, while the Electress is either Bessie, or
Billingsgate, a word whose doubtful English meaning
was probably meant in this case to be reversed.
Finding that Mary was not allowed to go to
Mass, and continued to be kept so close a prisoner,
that she was not , permitted to leave the room even
to get a little air, the Sisters at the Paradeiser Haus
went to the Dean and expostulated with him on this
treatment, representing to him that he must answer
to God for denying her the power of fulfilling the
ordinary duties of religion. This worthy ecclesiastic
seems to have been from the first convinced both of
Mary's innocence and great virtues. But he was
not wholly a free agent and being of a timid dis-
position, was led by others in the city, though who
these were is never distinctly told, whose decisions
he seemed unable to dispute. However, the English
Ladies would by no means rest satisfied with his un-
certain answers, and appealed to Maximilian, laying
before him that it was little suitable to the reputation
of so pious a prince to permit that such an unheard-
of measure should be allowed as if he were a party
to it. They did not either content themselves with
merely asking once, but left both Maximilian and
the Dean no peace until their request was granted.
The Abbess therefore had orders sent to her, and
Refusal of the Sacraments. 365
Mary duly attended Mass, not only to her own
immense consolation, but also to the great edification
of the nuns, who had already gained so high an
esteem of her excellences, that they said the sight
alone of her brought peace and profit with it to
their souls. Confession and Communion were still,
however, denied her, though the amount of her
religious privileges was plainly left to the discretion
of her keepers. Mary therefore made several efforts
to obtain the power of frequenting both, though in
all else she submitted silently to whatever treatment
she received. She asked in consequence for an
interview with the Abbess, and tells what passed
next day in one of her notes : " Margery was beyond
measure grave, accompanied all the while with the
Vice-Guardian, who is, at least knows, Italian, and
the confessor of the cloister. ' Margery saith, as
things stand I cannot have my writings, neither
may they be delivered to you : that for Communion
I know what was writ from Rome, that the Guardian
fears nothing, also the confessor. I marvel at him !
Vale. Be not troubled."
The close confinement and unwholesome atmo-
sphere of her prison-room were meantime telling on
Mary's enfeebled frame. The indications in her
notes to her companions of her increasing infirmities
became more defined, and at length, on the i8th of
March, she was seized by a violent fever. Mary
warned the Sisters of her state, and though telling
them to be strong in confidence, "she should not
die," bade them go see the Electress and ask her to
send her physician. Elisabeth, with her affection
o
66 Danger of death.
and kindly anxiety for Mary, granted their request
without delay. But when the doctor came, he at
once pronounced Mary to be in imminent danger,
and gave no hopes of her recovery ; if she remained
where she was, the unhealthy state of the air she
breathed would eventually be fatal to life under the
malady from which she was suffering. It is needless
to describe the anguish of the Sisters at such news.
With Mary's consent, who told them what words to
use, they appealed forthwith to the Elector, entreat-
ing him to use the power he possessed to order her
removal from the noxious air of her apartment in
the Anger to the Paradeiser Haus, to be nursed by
themselves, offering that not only the house should
be her prison, from which she was not to move, but
also that the whole community should be imprisoned
with her, Maximilian placing what guards he liked
to secure them. The Elector, whose respect and
esteem for Mary were unalterable, in spite of the
apparently stern course he had taken, thought their
request very reasonable. His conscience, however,
would not allow him to interfere, even thus much,
concerning her, without consulting his spiritual ad-
visers. By them the matter was considered to be
exterior to his temporal jurisdiction, and he therefore
refused the petition. In God's hands alone, then,
Mary had to be left.
The fever increased from day to day, and on the
ninth day, that is March 27, the physician said it
was necessary that she should receive the last Sacra-
ments. When the permission was asked of the Dean
he refused to grant it, unless Mary acceded to the
The Dean's conditions. 367
condition he imposed. This condition was that she
should sign a paper, which he drew up and sent to
her, to the purport that " if she had ever said or
done anything contrary to faith or Holy Church,
she repented her, and was sorry for it." The Sisters
brought this answer from Dean Golla, which was
taken to Mary by the Abbess. Mary had grown
rapidly worse ; the extremities of her body were
cold, her feebleness extreme, and she seemed to all
on the point of entering her agony. She took the
Dean's paper and read it, and after a short pause
asked " if His Holiness or the Holy Office required
such a thing?" Finding that no such command was
laid upon her, but -that all was left to Dean Golla's
management, with great serenity and equal firmness
Mary said, " God forbid that I, to cancel venial sins,
which, through God's mercies, are all I have to
accuse myself of, should commit a mortal, and cast
so great a blot upon so many innocent and deserving
persons, by saying, ' If I have done or said anything
against Holy Church.' My ' If,' with what is already
acted by my adversaries, would give just cause to
the world to believe I suffer justly. No, no. I will
cast myself rather on the mercy of Jesus Christ
and die without the sacraments." She then asked
for paper and ink and wrote in Italian what follows :
I have never done or said anything, either great or small,
against His Holiness (whose holy will I have offered myself,
and do now offer myself, wholly to obey), or the authority
of Holy Church. But on the contrary, my feeble powers
and labours have been for twenty-six years, entirely, and
as far as was possible to me, employed for the honour and
368 Mary's Declaration.
service 6f both, as I hope, by the mercy of God, and the
benignity of His Holiness, will be manifested in due time
and place.
Nor would I now for a thousand worlds, or for the gain
of whatever present or future seeming good, do the least
thing unfitting the dutiful service of a true Catholic and
a most obedient daughter of Holy Church. Nevertheless,
if that, which was at the first allowed and authorized by the
Supreme Pontiffs, or Sacred Congregations of Cardinals, in
which according to my poor capacity I have desired and
sought to serve Holy Church, should be, by those to whom
the decision of such things belong, determined (the whole
truth being heard), to have been in any way repugnant to
the duty of a true Christian and to the obedience due to
His Holiness, or to Holy Church, I a»ni, and ever shall be,
with the help of God's grace, most ready to acknowledge
my fault, to ask pardon for the offence, and, together with
the public dishonour already laid upon me, to offer my
poor and brief life in satisfaction of the said sin.
Maria della Guardia.^
Munich, March 27, 1631.
Having signed the paper, Mary sent it through
the Abbess to her companions to take to Dean Golla,
with a note to them desiring them to explain to him
that " most surely, she could sign no other, and that
the responsibility now lay with him of her dying
without the Sacraments," if so he decided. The
Dean could not, however, but be content with such
a noble declaration of her faith and submission, and
gave the desired leave at once. The next morning
Mary wrote privately to them : " I have had a very
ill night. This morning in hopes to confess and
' A copy made by Mary herself, is in the Nymphenburg Archives.
Arrangements in case of death. 369
communicate in my bed. My head is so ill, I cannot
write much, nor am I at any time free from pain.
All will pass ! " Such interior confidence did Mary
feel of her recovery ! Yet in spite of this, during
the next two days which intervened before her
receiving the Holy Oils, she sent to her companions
instructions, which plainly were intended for their
guidance in case of her death.
For James. But James is never without Peter. Let
Margaret Jenison [at Vienna] have good intelligence. Let
her upon the receipt of this send her man with these to
Mother Babthorpe [at Presburg] to let her know that the
whole of my restraint or absence is put into her hands, that
she take first and chiefest care of all ours out of Italy.
That if you two be restrained, she take care of seeking
your freedom and all of ours, in Italy also and of all.
That with the good will of that Cardinal [Pazmanny] -she
live herself out of that place as real Superior, that she give
him or Maximilian, Mother Brooksby, which himself will,
that with all speed she come to Monaco, abide here almost
always, and have special care of this College, that further
intelligence she will receive here. Write you to the
Cardinal [Pazmanny] as willed by me before my imprison-
ment to write, when on such a sudden I was taken, and
that I beseech him to stay ever a patron and father to ours,
not only there but in all places. And these you may assure
him were my own words, and that he would spare Barbara
for such respects. Perchance it were good Margaret
Jenison knew in substance, that so far the present things
were ordered to be, and that you have deferred to leave.
Beg her to help with all possible the others coming to
Monaco.
Mary also put together another memorial for the
Sisters to send to the Congregation of the Holy
Y 2
370 False Reports.
Office, describing her state, the refusal of the Sacra-
ments to her, a copy of her own declaration to the
Dean, and again begging for redress.^
Meanwhile it had been given out in the city that
Mary Ward was dying of sorrow and remorse, and
through fretting at the punishment which her own
misdeeds had brought upon her ; that, with the
obstinacy of a heretic, she had refused to sign the
paper sent her by the Dean, and that she had only
herself therefore to thank for the consequences.
The report reaching her through the Sisters, Mary
sent them to the Electress with the copy of her paper
to the Dean, which was to be left with Elisabeth that
Maximilian might be made aware of the real truth.
The day after this visit, that is on the ist of April,
the physician, on making his visit, desired that Mary
should at once receive the Holy Oils, for he, with
all about her, expected her immediate death. Mary
had in a note to the Sisters promised them, that she
would make a great effort with the Abbess to be
allowed to see them, for the last time, as others
thought, and they were to be in the nuns' church
at a certain hour. For herself, her confidence in God
that He would still preserve her in life was unaltered,
though she acted as if it were to, be otherwise. "Be
constant to speak with me when you come, I will
come to you, but will not stay too long, not to
scandalize those who think sorrow it is that kills
me and my own imperfection, not the insalubrity of
the place. I will now beg my own health in earnest,
^ Copies of this and of the letter to Cardinal Pazmanny are in the
Nymphenburg Archives in Mary's hand, in lemon-juice.
Extreme Unction. 371
and do all I can for it, doubt you not. I have had
indeed an ill night, not at all in my head, but a long
and strange fever." Mary lay apparently between
life and death during the rest of the morning, after
she wrote these words, either by her own or Anna
Turner's hand. When the time came that she was
to receive Extreme Unction, the Abbess and all the
nuns, permitted to enter her chamber, assembled
there, and, with many marks of deep sympathy and
affectionate esteem, stood around her bed, greatly
edified at the holy peace and confidence with which
she was preparing for death. The confessor, one of
the Franciscan Fathers, could not restrain his tears
while administering the holy oils.
After the conclusion of the sacred rite, all lingered
expecting from Mary's exhausted state, to become
the assistants at the last commendatory prayers of
the Church for a departing soul. But after a short
interval of silence, Mary, opening her eyes, made
signs to Anna Turner that she would rise, and
motioned t© her to help her to dress. The good lay-
sister and the nuns thought that fever was running
high, and that she had become delirious, and used
persuasive words as if to quiet her. Mary, however,
knowing that her Sisters were in the church as
appointed, and were anxiously awaiting her coming,
replied with great calmness: "Nay,' I am myself;
I know what I do ; I must take leave of my dear
Sisters. Mother Abbess will not deny me the grace
to see and speak with them at the grille, and you,"
turning to the nuns, "will have the charity to carry
me into the church." Who could refuse so touchinsf
372 Mary and her Sisters.
a request, made at such a moment? The Abbess,
greatly moved, gave the permission, and the nuns,
not knowing which to admire most in Mary, her
courage or her charity and self-forgetfulness, carried
their dying prisoner in their arms, exclaiming as
they did so: "Oh! what love, what marvellous love
and goodness ! " They then left Mary alone with
her companions in the church, giving them the
opportunity for these brief moments of mingled
grief and consolation, without the interruption of
any witness.
Mary's few w^ords to her companions, as repeated
by her biographer, were words of counsel, most truly
reflecting the state of her own soul, as portrayed by
her history. She told them to take courage and
put all their confidence in God, Who would not let
her die, unless it were most for His glory. She bade
them also "be sure, whether she lived or died, to
have no bitterness against the authors of her troubles,
but to forgive them cordially, and entirely, and pray
for them heartily." Mary's exhausted condition
allowed of little further. She was carried back to
her bed only to return to her former agony. Partial
unconsciousness followed, which lasted through the
afternoon and evening, until at length at nine o'clock
she fell asleep. "The sleep was short, but sweet
and natural," writes Mary Poyntz, "and when she
woke up, she said at once, ' I know not what our
Lord wills to do with me, but it seems to me, I am
better.' " And so it really was. When the doctor
came in the morning, he was astonished to find Mary
recovering, instead of already dead as he expected.
Sudden recovery. 373
He was aware how acceptable the news would be
to the Electress, whose affection for Mary was well
known to him. On leaving the sick room, he hastened
therefore to the palace. Admitted at once to see
Elisabeth, he told her " that in Mary's condition it
was a miracle to be recovering in whatever place,
but that to recover in that room, which was sufficient
alone to have killed her, had she been in her best
health, was a manifest interposition of God, in order
to make her innocence clear before all men."
During the course of the day Mary wrote her
private note to the Paradeiser Haus.
I now give you the news, having had this night almost as
good an one as that first. Your many holy prayers hath
been the cause that extreme of extremes in my head is now
no more, else my fever is strong, but it is not yet my time
to die. All will pass, and the love and charity of all, all
this house, is such as one would not believe, their prayers
continual, &c. Sure my soul and body gain by this bargain.
From this time Mary continued to amend in
health. Her lemon-juice notes were daily written
as before. In one she says : " Collect all about the
business, write and write and speak the same where
and whensoever our requirings serve, and confide in
God, Who will do all you will. So God forgive the
Chooman [a disguised name for some one of her
opposers] and make him a saint ! Your old friend
[the Elector] and Billingsgate should know all." " I
will not have you troubled at what you cannot help,
and at that which in likelihood our Lord and love
permits for the best."
374 '^^^^ Pope's Mandate.
At length, on the 15th of April, the anxiously-
expected answer to the memorials of the Sisters
arrived from Rome. It was from the Pope, and
addressed to them to the Paradeiser Haus, and
contained a mandate signed by him for Mary's
immediate release. We learn '^ that on the receipt
of the memorials, the Pope called a particular Con-
gregation of Cardinals, at which he presided in
person, and caused the whole affair to be discussed
before him. When he heard how all had passed, he
expressed himself not only as not approving of Mary's
imprisonment, but as much displeased at it, and
ordered a decree to be prepared by which she was
forthwith to be set at liberty. From other cases,
which have been taken before the Inquisition at
Rome, it may be gathered, that the Assessor of the
Congregation of the Holy Office had the power, in
conjunction with some other of the members, to sign
certain decrees without referring them to the highest
authority, and thus perhaps it may have happened
with regard to Mary Ward.
It may appear surprising at first sight, that, with
Mary's numerous friends among the Cardinals, some
of whom at least belonged to the Congregation of
the Holy Office, such a decree should have been
passed and allowed to be carried into effect, without
^ VinCentio Pageti, Breve Raccoiito. The accounts of what passed
at Rome are taken from this author, and from Fathers T. Lohner,
and Bissel, as well as from W. Wigmore's Biography. Vincentio
Pageti was Apostolic Notary and Secretary to Cardinal Borghese.
He was cured, we hear from Father Lohner, of hopeless opthalmia
by the application of ajpart of Mary's dress to his eyes in 1662, and
afterwards wrote a sketch of her life and presented it to the Electress
Adelheid, wife of Maximilian's son and successor.
Death of Mary 's friends. 375
any intervention in her favour. Supposing, however,
that the knowledge of its completion extended beyond
the one or two who signed it, which may be doubtful,.
a remarkable dispensation of -Providence must here
be noted. Nearly all of those members of the Sacred
College, who had gained the high esteem in which
they held Mary by personal friendly intercourse, and
whose influence could have averted the blow, had
lately died or were otherwise disabled from inter-
ference. Of these may be named, Cardinals Mellino
and Bandino, whose deaths took place suddenly in
1630; Cardinal ZoUeren had died in 1626 ; Cardinal
Trescio in 1627 ; Cardinal Borgia had been obliged
to obey Urban's decree, enforcing the residence of
bishops in their diocese ; and Cardinal Gimnasio,
at a very advanced age, had suffered a long and
dangerous illness. The Pope, as we have seen, was
not consulted. The orders now sent by him were
indited in a very different spirit, and left her entirely
her own mistress, free to go wherever she liked.
Directly the mandate was read, Mary's com-
panions, full of joy, presented themselves with the
happy tidings at the Anger expecting to take her
home with them in triumph. It was a Friday, the
feast of Our Lady of Dolours, and Palm Sunday was
at hand. This was a day always kept by Mary as
one of solemn memory. On Palm Sunday, twenty
three years before, she had, before leaving the
Convent of Poor Clares which she herself had
founded, dedicated herself to God for whatever were
His future will for her, and made a vow of perpetual
chastity with that intention. On the first night of
2,y6 Palm Sunday.
Mary's imprisonment, the darkness and desolation
which for two years had oppressed her soul had
passed away as she abandoned herself to the sweet-
ness of suffering passively for God, and now that
this strange episode of unmerited suffering was to
come to an end, she would keep the holy feast of
the Sorrows of her Lord by another solemn and
thankful re-dedication of herself to Him, while yet
the peace of this season of endurance was impressed
upon her.
It was, however, indeed but to dedicate herself to
fresh and further sufferings, for Mary knew well what
would await her as she re-entered the Paradeiser
Haus, which was no longer, by the word of the
Supreme Head of the Church, to be a house of
religion. The wreck of the work of five and twenty
years, the fair prospect, so dear to her, prematurely
blighted, of a future plentiful harvest of souls to be won
for God, the broken vocations and uncertain future
of those connected with her, whom she loved as her
own self, the coldness and neglect of many who had
been as friends, the contempt and scorn of the world
at large, together with poverty and even homeless-
ness, to all of which they were to be exposed, this
and much more must necessarily have risen up before
her, as the offering she had to lay before God on
Palm Sunday. But for the time all these thoughts
were thrust into the background, and Mary met her
companions with all the tenderness and joy which
such an occasion demanded, nor would she damp
it by even a passing word concerning the future.
She begged them, however, to leave her at the Anger
Mary leaves the Anger. 2>77
until the following Monday, and prepared to pass
Sunday in devotion and retirement.
After her companions were gone, a message
reached Mary from the Elector and Electress, de-
siring to see her, which produced the last note written
in lemon-juice by her to Elisabeth Cotton :
My Mother, — Go presently to the Duchess, thank her,
and by her the Duke, from me, for the grace. Tell her that
I am willing to pass my Palm Sunday here, that being a
principal feast with poor me, and on Monday, at whatsoever
hour, etc. Then ask you as of yourself (but without the
least importunity) and let it fall with all ease, if you see the
least difficulty ; if she would not send a litter on Monday
at twelve and half, or one, after dinner, but urge it not, by
no means. Vale, vale. Good night to all.
On Monday in Holy Week the Electress sent her
carriage to convey Mary, and as she passed through
the streets of Munich, she was recognized and greeted
warmly by the inhabitants, with expressions of sym-
pathy and joy at her release, and at her re-appearance
among them. The Poor Clares parted from their
prisoner with much regret. She had greatly endeared
herself to them, and her memory lived on among
them until the time of the suppression of the convent
in 1803. They bestowed every mark of affectionate
esteem upon her as she left them, asking her for some
token which should recall her henceforth to their
remembrance. Mary took off the large rosary^ which
' The rosary remained hanging on the bedstead in the Infirmary
through last century. A part of it, consisting of very large carved
walnut-wood beads, the size of small walnuts, is now preserved at the
convent of the Institute, Altcetting, Bavaria. A parchment labe
37S Two Predictions.
hung at her side, and had been the companion of all
her long weary journeys, and in offering it to them,
begged their prayers, as a gift of far greater value to
her, in return. The nuns on their side rejoiced in the
joy of Mary's Sisters, and on many opportunities
gave them details respecting her stay under their
roof, adding to their expressions of regard and vene-
ration these words, " God forbid Christian ears should
hear what was ordained them to do with her ! " Kind-
nesses also of various sorts were frequently passing
for the future between the Anger Convent and the
Paradeiser Haus, and we find many affectionate refer-
ences to the nuns in Mary's letters of later date.
Mary's two predictions concerning herself, of
which we have heard earlier in this volume, had been
fulfilled to the letter by her imprisonment in the
Anger Convent. She had truly been taken there " as
a false prophetess," and the " loneliness," which she
had been so forcibly shown many years previously, fell
upon her with full reality during the events of the
two long months spent within its walls. Thirteen
years before there had been dimly set before her
"some great trouble to happen about the confirmation
of our course. I offered myself," she had then said,
"willingly to this difficulty, and besought our Lord
with tears that He would give me grace to bear it,,
and that no contradiction might hinder His will, were
His will whatsoever. I was as though the occasion
fastened to it has this inscription in old German : " This is a part of
the rosary of our holy Foundress, which was kept in the Convent
Anger since her imprisonment. On May 24, 1803, it was brought by
the Rev. School Inspector Eberl to this our Institute at Munich."
Fulfilments. 379
was present. I saw there was no help nor comfort for
me but to cleave fast to Him, and so I did, for He was
there to help me. I besought that the love I felt for
this course now, might stead me then, when that
trouble should happen, because perhaps I should not
then have means, or force, or time to dispose myself,
or to call so particularly upon Him. I begged of
Him with much affection, that this prayer I now
made might serve as a petition for His grace at that
time. But methought such a thing would certainly
happen."
There remained yet the fulfilment of her words
towards those to whom she had spoken, and who
were to be the witnesses of their truth. To Winefrid,
whose sympathizing heart longed to have a share in
Mary's heavy burden, Mary had written,^ when con-
fiding to her this dim forecasting as to the future, " A
part too you will and shall bear howsoever." Mother
Winefrid had been at Liege ever since Mary arrived
in Germany from Rome in 1629, more than a year
before. On the same day that Mary was taken by
the decree of the Holy Ofiice to the Anger, Winefrid
received a similar mandate from Rome, as her secre-
tary and confidant, and was imprisoned in a convent
at Liege. There she still remained when Mary was
set at liberty. Anna Griinwaldin, whose entrance as
a nun into the Anger Convent Mary had foretold,
went back to her parents in the Tyrol upon the issue
of the Bull of Suppression of the Institute by Pope
Urban. In 1638 she returned to Munich, and became
a Poor Clare as Mary had said, with the name of
9 P. 138.
380 To Ro7ne again.
Sister Anna Coletta. She lived an edifying life, and
died of a sufiering disease in the year 1681. Among
the archives of the Anger was a written statement,
taken down from Sister Coletta's mouth, and wit-
nessed by the nuns, giving the account of what had
passed between herself and Mary Ward on their
journey in 1626.
Mary Ward, though set at liberty, was as strongly
resolved as on the first night of her imprisonment, to
establish her innocence of the charges laid against
her for the sake of those connected with her, whose
good name as faithful daughters of the Catholic
Church was impugned equally with her own. A
charge of heresy, if allowed in any way to rest upon
herself and them, would be sufficient to bar the way
for ever to further attempts to devote themselves to
the service of souls. And except for the brief hour
or two in the Anger, when Mary believed her labours
ended, and that henceforth action was to be ex-
changed for suffering, she never laid aside, up to the
moment of her death, even in thought, the great
work begun in her youth for their sakes, which she
believed to be a precious gift of God intrusted to her
fidelity. She was determined therefore to go again to
Rome, and to obtain from the Pope the public testi-
mony necessary to free herself and her companions
from the imputations hanging over them. Other
considerations also, as we shall see, led her to this
decision. The contents of the Bull of Suppression
were well known in Munich when Mary came
out of prison. She therefore waited for a time
to be a consolation to the dispersing members
Appeal to the Pope. 381
of the Houses, to give them what aid and
advice she could, and to ascertain what footing they
would still be likely to retain in Munich. These
matters will be spoken of further on. Meanwhile,
Mary's personal troubles were not at an end. Two
decrees, or messages, arrived, with some space of
time between them, from the Holy Office. The first,
on the charitably alleged reason of her age and
infirm health, desired her to remain in Munich. Mary,
struck by the discrepancy between this order and the
entire freedom granted to her upon her release,
doubted as to its source. She obeyed, however, and
did not move, but waited in expectation of some
further event which would guide her in her judgment.
After some interval of time the second decree arrived,
which confirmed her in her doubts. The contents
are better told in her own forcible words, which
vividly picture her own condition and that of the
suppressed Institute at the time she wrote them.
For Mary once more appealed to Urban, in whose
justice and paternal kindness she fully confided -y^
Most Holy Father, — If through my poor labours, under-
taken and wholly directed, as far as it was in me, without
any other view or interest, to the greater service of Holy
Church and of the Apostolic See, I have more or less dis-
pleased your Holiness, prostrate at your sacred feet, I most
humbly ask pardon, and entreat you by the mercy of God
to deign with paternal affection to forgive all that in which,
without knowing it, or without any will of mine, I may
have offended you.
" The rough copy is in the Nymphenburg Archives. The letter is in
Italian.
382 Decree of the Holy Office.
Or if a greater punishment be judged necessary than
publicly to be declared a heretic, a schismatic, an obstinate
rebel against Holy Church, to be taken and imprisoned as
such, to have been at the gates of death through the incon-
veniences endured for nine weeks, to have been deprived of
the Holy Sacraments from the 7 th of February (when I was
taken) until the 28th of March, when I had my Viaticum,
and two days after the Holy Oils, to be held up to obloquy in
all places both as guilty of so great wickedness, and thrown
by orders of Holy Church into the jaws of death for such
enormities — if more is needed than the sufferings of all in
our company, ridiculed by the heretics at the present time
for having left their country and parents, despised by Catho-
lics, held as disgraced by their nearest relations, their
annual revenues unjustly taken from them, so that in four
of our Colleges ours are obliged to beg their bread, and
many other sufferings already endured by individuals
amongst us — if all this is too little, I offer my poor and
short life, in addition to these other satisfactions, when and
where it may be thought meet.
But hoping by the mercy of God, and by your benignity,
that all will go better, I humbly lay before your Holiness,
that by the enclosed copy, sent to me yesterday by Rev.
Doctor James Golla (who imprisoned me) it appears, that
the Lord Cardinals of the Sacred Congregation of the Holy
Office desire, that I should come to Rome at my own
expense, in the company of a Commissary to be appointed
by the said Doctor, and that I should arrive in Rome by a
time which is to be prefixed by him, on pain of losing such
a sura, giving before my departure such a security for this
sum as Mgr. Caraffa, Nuncio at Cologne, shall judge fit. In
the present state to which our affairs have arrived, it will be
difficult, if not impossible, for me with these conditions thus
to arrive. . . .
Results of appeal. 383
The concluding part of Mary's petition is unhap-
pily lost, nor is there any accessible copy of Urban's
reply. Mary's subsequent movements, however,
supply the answer, though these are detailed in few
words by her biographer. She started at length on
her journey to Italy, and in spite of " her change
to secular clothes before all, the Bull, etc.," says Mary
Poyntz, " God turned all to her glory, as appeared
particularly by the singular and extraordinary favours
done her by all the Princes along in her way to
Rome, where, when arrived, she received from their
Eminences the Cardinals their accustomed, or even
more than their accustomed marks of kindness," and
finally, having at once been granted a private audi-
ence by Urban, " what greater benignity could the
Pope have expressed .^ " There is nothing here which
indicates the journey of one under disgrace and
suspicion, travelling under surveillance, to arrive at
the designated place by a certain day. Urban had,
therefore, evidently sent Mary such an answer as left
her free as to her movements.
The two contradictory messages sent from Rome
require a few words in elucidation. They were traced
in Mary's days to the authors of her imprisonment,
who, on the knowledge of her recovered liberty, sought
to prevent her return to that city. They had had
former experience of the influence of her presence
there, and of her favour with Pope Urban, and they
desired to forestall her efforts for softening the
severity of the terms of the Bull, or for attempting
any fresh religious work, to which they rightly sup-
posed her untiring zeal and resolute soul would
384 Difficult position.
prompt her. The second decree provided for the
probability of Mary finally obtaining permission to
leave Munich, directly from the Pope. It was plainly
impossible that in her state of health, more than ever
broken down by all she had lately endured, she
could engage herself to arrive in Rome by any given
day, and equally impossible to promise any sum to
be paid in lieu, when the ordinary necessaries of life
were wanting to herself and hers. She was placed
then by these orders in a difficulty whence it required
extreme prudence to extricate herself If she went
to Rome under the shadow of a disgrace, such as
with the surveillance of a Commissary, or if, by any
false step concerning these decrees, the blot of dis-
obedience were cast upon her, her power of effecting
anything in Rome would be gone. Mary saw the
snare thus laid before her, and had recourse to the
only means which could avail to avoid the entangle-
ment by appealing to Urban. We have seen with
what success.
CHAPTER VI.
TJte Bull of Pope Urban.
1631.
We must turn for a few moments from Mary Ward
and her personal history to that of her Institute, and
take a rapid view of its condition before following
her to Rome. The Bull of Suppression had been
long expected, every sign from the Holy City pointed
that way — the very silence as to any movement re-
garding it there, as well as the scanty tidings brought
thence. Yet up to the time of the publication of
the Bull, the Houses of the Institute appear to have
been in full work, and occupied by a numerous body
of members, whose numbers, though not increased
of late years by any great influx of applicants from
England, as at first, had yet steadily grown, in spite
of the opposition of parents and relatives to an
unapproved religion. When the Holy See laid its
hand of authority to stay for a time the stream of
vocations pouring into the Institute, and to prove it,
there were between two and three hundred women,
mostly of superior minds and station, who had braved
every difficulty to embrace it in the form then being
developed by the hand of Mary Ward. These were
scatt(Ted among the ten Houses of the Institute,
Z 2
386 Severity of the Bull.
which came under the ban of suppression, namely,
one at St Omer, two at Liege, and one, severally, at
Cologne, Treves, Rome, Naples, Munich, Presburg,
and in England. The foundation at Perugia, which
prospered so well in the beginning, was the first to
suffer materially from the storms of opposition, and
seems to have been relinquished after Cardinal Torres
succeeded to the bishopric, in 1625. Of the ten
communities named above, the largest were those of
Liege and Munich, numbering seventy and forty
respectively. In England there appear to have been
generally twenty or thirty members of the Institute
scattered in various places, who effected much for the
conversion of souls. At Naples, Cologne, and Vienna,
the work was well ordered and well supported, the
House at St. Omer was perhaps rather a receiving
house for those from England, whether postulants or
pupils ; that at Treves a small filiation, always poor ;
while at Presburg, a solid work was being established,
though with a few only to carry it on.
The sentence pronounced in the Bull of Urban
is expressed with great severity. Having declared
that certain women, taking the name of Jesuitesses,
having assembled and living together, built Colleges
and appointed Superiors and a General called Prae-
posita, and assumed a peculiar habit without the
approbation of the Holy See, it states that " they
carried out works by no means suiting the weakness
of their sex, womanly modesty, above all, virginal
purity, and which men most experienced in the
knowledge of the Sacred Scrijpture, and the conduct
of affairs, undertake with difficulty, and not without
Ptiblication at Liege. 387
great caution." The Bull goes on to say that these
women " having been admonished by the Nuncio of
Lower Germany at Cologne," and others, " still, with
arrogant contumacy, have attempted like things daily,
and uttered many things contrary to sound doctrine."
(Here we may remark the unhappy effects of the line
of conduct taken, apart from Mary Ward and her
intentions, by some of the English Virgins at Liege,
which Winefrid Wigmore was sent to correct, but
which was then past remedy.) For the reasons above
stated, the Bull then pronounces the Institute to be
suppressed, extinct, uprooted, and abolished, the
members are absolved from their vows, the names of
Praeposita, Visitatrice, and Rectrice are forbidden,
and the authority of such offices declared null, the
habit is to be put off and never re-assumed, and the
Virgins themselves are desired to part company, not
to dwell in the Colleges or Houses, and not to meet
together to consult on any spiritual or temporal
matter. They may marry, enter other Orders, or
live under vows in the world, or at home, under the
Bishop.
In Flanders, as might be expected, the Bull was
carried out in its extremest meaning, and even
beyond its meaning. The only knowledge we have
of its publication in any place where a House of
the Institute was situated, is Liege. Here the Prince
Bishop Ferdinand at length ordered the sentence it
contained to be carried out, on April 30, 1631, and it
was read in the presence of Anne Buskell, Provincia-
less, Anne Copley, Superioress, and nine of the elder
388 Disastrous consequences.
Sisters,^ who at once submitted, in the name of all, to
the decree, and requested time to make their prepara-
tions, when forty days only were allowed them. The
consequences were of a most disastrous nature as
related to themselves personally. For their schools
were broken up, the whole of their property, even
what had been purchased with their own dowers, was
confiscated, the annual revenues granted them by the
city or the diocese stopped, and they were obliged to
leave the two houses, which Mary Ward had
arranged with such order and with all fitted for
carrying out their religious state, carrying nothing
with them, and homeless and penniless. To many
it was impossible from want of money to return to
their friends, even if their friends would have them.
This was especially the case with those from England.
It was no easy matter to enter other orders without a
portion, nor had they vocations for a cloistered life.
We have heard from Mary Ward's letter to Urban
how the inmates of four Houses had to beg their
bread. From the time at which she wrote, these four
were probably houses in Flanders. Among those
whose heroic conduct was conspicuous under the
sufferings of this period, Catharine Smith, one of
Mary's first companions, is specially mentioned in
the French Necrology of the early Sisters of the
Institute. She was the Superior of one of the four,
and had taken refuge at Liege only to be driven out
thence in like manner. " Hunger and want " are
' These were Anne Gage, Elisabeth Hall, Bridget Hyde, Catharine
Smith, Anne Morgan, Elisabeth Thommy, Helen Pick, Frances Fuller,
and Frances Poyntz.
A prediction. 389
particularly named among the sufiferings which called
forth her fortitude and confidence in God. Nor did
she stand alone in these strange trials, for her com-
panions were numerous, and the fortitude and other
virtues which they exhibited under them as remark-
able.
When the severity of the terms of the Bull
became public in Munich, many things were of
course said and conjectured, as to the line Maximilian
would take with respect to the English Virgins. The
high place occupied by them and by Mary Ward
personally in the regard of both sovereigns, was
everywhere known, but the Elector's reverence and
perfect obedience towards the Holy See were no
less so. His inflexible conduct as to the decree of
the Holy Office was an example fresh in the mind
of all, and the saying was repeated from mouth to
mouth, that Mary and the English Virgins would be
ejected, not only from the Paradeiser Haus, but from
the city also. The report was brought, as currently
spoken of, to Mary Ward. She heard it unmoved,
and in a quiet tone replied thus to the speaker :
"This will not happen. I and mine shall remain
in this house, but the Elector will be driven from
his palace." It must be remembered that at the
time this was said, there was no apparent probability
of the Swedes overrunning Bavaria. They had not
advanced further than Magdeburg, nor were they
supposed likely to gain the upper hand, as they
afterwards did, Tilly and his victorious army still <
keeping them successfully in check.
Mary, though she thus predicted better things,
390 The Elector s course of action.
must have remained for some length of time un-
certain whether Maximilian's silence concerning the-
Paradeiser Haus, and its non-withdrawal from her,
were more than a temporary courtesy on his part.
During the next three or four years there are many
indications of this uncertainty in her letters, while
the confidence with which God had inspired her as
to the final results is equally manifest. The Elector's
permission, at first at any rate, appears to have been,
tacit, perhaps while he was corresponding with Rome
on the subject. Dr. Buchinger, the learned Bavarian
historian, in his sketch of the Institute,^ has stated
that Maximilian obtained a special leave from the
Holy See, for Mary Ward and her companions still
to live together in his dominions, in the house which
he had lent them. Dr. Buchinger had access to all
the Government archives, and what he says is there-
fore above criticism. The Elector's character also,
as well as the course of action which his scrupulous
conscience had led him to adopt towards Mary Ward,
place it beyond a doubt that, without an authorization
from the Pope, he would not become a party to any
departure, even by a hair's breadth, from the terms
of the Bull. These, as we have seen, forbade the
members of the suppressed Institute to live together
in their former community houses. The permission
may therefore have been only privately given to
Maximilian. Hence his reserve in speaking of it to
the English Virgins, while acting the generous part
of their benefactor, in spite of what the world might
say. Meantime the shelter which the Paradeiser
1 Oberbayerisches Archive, lyter Band, p. 122.
Sufferings of the English Virgins. 391
Haus afforded was, even with its uncertain tenure,
a boon of untold worth, in the state of unlimited
ruin which had fallen upon them. Yet, with this
exception, the Providence of God permitted that the
hard things which the English Virgins had to undergo
in Bavaria, were in no way surpassed by those which
had befallen their Sisters in the Low Countries.
Though they still had a roof to shelter them, the
family at the Paradeiser Haus had always been
obliged to depend for their maintenance upon the
yearly revenue which Maximilian had granted them
as being religious. From the troubled state of
England, and the suspicion attached to their Insti-
tute, they rarely got the moneys due to them thence.
Their schools had now for a time to be closed, and
the Elector withdrew his grant. Doubtless he and
the good Electress, anxious to make up to Mary for
the sufferings she had gone through, intended to
supply in some measure for this withdrawal, by
personal gifts from time to time. Yet again it was
ordained by the Providence of God, that, from the
pressure of public events, these personal gifts should
become very uncertain in their time of delivery.
The Swedes, under Gustavus Adolphus, had
landed on the northern shores of Germany in the
spring of 1630, and slowly made their way towards
Bavaria and Austria. When Mary Ward was in
prison, Maximilian was fully occupied with military
plans, and operations, and the cares of war. In May,
163 1, the well-known fall of Magdeburg, before the
arms of Tilly, took place. The Swedes wintered that
year before Mainz, and in the following spring, Tilly
392 Prediction fulfilled.
was killed at the battle of Lechfield, near Augsburg,
after which, in May, 1632, Gustavus Adolphus and
his army marched upon Munich, The Swedes
remained in possession of the city for three weeks,
and during that and the two following years their
armies streamed through all parts of Bavaria, carry-
ing desolation and misery with them. Maximilian
and the Electress were obliged to abandon their
capital until the end of the year 1634, thus fulfilling
Mary Ward's words, and if they returned, it was
only for a time. To the horrors of war were added
also the horrors of the plague, which very severely
attacked Munich, and we shall find that the members
of the Institute were not exempted from their share
also in this frightful scourge. During this time of
universal distress in Bavaria, the state of the English
Virgins was one, therefore, of great temporal desti-
tution, sometimes nearly bordering on starvation.
In Father Lohner's Life of Mary Ward ^ there is an
incident related of God's interference in reward of
the merits and confidence of His servant, which tells
its own tale as to the poor amount of food to which
they were often reduced, even before the Swedish
invasion. A small quantity of peas was one day
the only fare which the cook had to serve up for
dinner for the whole of the family. She sent word
to Mary Ward, who had not yet left Munich for
Rome, that there were not even enough for one
portion at the table. There was no money in the
house, and Mary, strong in her trust in God, desired
they should be cooked and served round, when, to
' Gottseliges Lebeit, p. 249.
Anna Rorlin's Courage. 393
the astonishment of all, there were not only enough
for every one, but as many as had been cooked were
left in the dish.
If such was their normal condition so immediately
after the suppression, the terrible results of foreign
invasion could not fail to add largely to the miseries
of their own private destitution. Provisions became
dear and difficult to obtain, and they had to beg
for their bread, or for alms to obtain it, like the
poorest of the city, and in common with many others
of the suppressed Institute elsewhere. It was here
that the mature virtues of the Jungfrau Anna Rorlin
— " my Jungfrau," as Mary Ward justly called her,
for she truly belonged to her, and such as her, in
her heroic courage and self-devotion — were pre-
eminently conspicuous. Knowing that as a native
of the country she was exposed to less danger than
her English companions, she volunteered begging
expeditions into the country round, to obtain the
means of subsistence for them all. She went on
foot and was exposed to great dangers in her
quest for alms. On one occasion she walked as
far as Landshut, where she had friends, venturing
to pass through places occupied by foreign soldiery,
and daring everything in behalf of her suffering
Sisters.
Nor were the temporal needs of the English
Virgins their only distresses, they were probably
indeed those which were least bitter to them. It
was no exaggerated picture which Mary Ward had
drawn in writing to Urban. It was a picture to the
life. The stigma of heresy was attached to them,
394 Multiplied distresses.
not only as gathered from the terms of the Bull,
but from the sentence pronounced on Mary and the
dark blot it brought, which had still to be cleared
away. Thus ecclesiastics as well as others shrank
from them, and they had difficulty in frequenting
the sacraments. Their want of money put them to
many straits in fulfilling the obedience laid upon
them, of changing the form of dress or habit they
had worn hitherto for one entirely secular, and they
were forced at first to appear on some occasions in
the streets dressed as before. They were thus
exposed to scorn and even insult. It is told of
Jungfrau Katharina Kochin, whose good qualities
have been already mentioned, and v/ho remained
faithful to her vocation through trials which caused
others of her country to give it up, that she went
into a church, in her old garb, soon after Mary's
release, to seek an opportunity of confession, when
the sacristan saluted her with a blow in the face and
drove her from the church.
There were those at Munich who, in spite of the
fearful state of war spread all over the country
through which the route to England lay, urged on
Mary the necessity of sending away the English
members whether they would or no, in obedience
to the letter of the Bull. These advisers did not
consider either the total want of money for the
journey, the youth of a number, that is at least eight
or ten of them, or the impossibility of securing before-
hand a proper reception and shelter for them in
England, then full of dangerous uncertainties for
Catholics. Mary's generous heart rejected such a
Suppression at Vienna and Presburg. 395
design, whatever finally might await herself in con-
sequence, and saw in the difficulty the hand of God's
Providence, Who, by thus interfering, enabled these
noble souls to fulfil the sacrifice which they had
offered to Him, while they, on their side, rejoiced in
the hindrances which kept them united to Mary
and her work. The Paradeiser Haus, therefore, in
the face of the difficulties and sufferings of the time,
became and remained a centre and gathering-point
for the members of the other suppressed communities.
Those from Vienna seem to have gone there at once.
There is no account of the publication of the Bull
in that city. The work of dispersion was perhaps
silently done without it. Cardinal Klessel had before
his death regretted the part he had taken. He had
not long been dead,^ and Ferdinand would not
willingly allow of any addition to sufferings which
he would gladly have averted altogether. At Pres-
burg Cardinal Pazmanny seems to have received
favourably Mary's intercessory letter from prison, and
to have allowed of Mrs. Frances Brookesby's residing
there instead of Barbara Babthorpe, besides affording
her and the rest of the little community shelter
and maintenance during the disastrous time which
followed. She remained there for two years, cut
off by the results of the war from communication
with others of the Institute, their mutual letters
never reaching their destination. At length the
following letter from Mary Ward was more success-
ful, and Frances- made her way to Munich, and lived
there until she died in 1657.
2 He died October, 1630.
396 Letter to Frances Brooksby.
Worthy my dear esteemed, — Only one letter I have had
from you this two years, and not a word of acknowledgment
of any of mine. Wars bring common woes, but I can no
longer brook your living I know not where, and God knows
with what incommodities. I have therefore sought this new
way of sending to you, and by these do let you know that
my mind is for your content and good every way, as also
my own satisfaction in all that tends to your happiness, that
you procure, when and so soon as conveniently you can, to
come to Monaco. In Paradise our friends still live, and
there you will be most welcome. Thither also I can write
what now I may not. I have much to say, but dare not.
Let me speedily hear if you have this, &c., and pity the
pain I feel while any I so love suffer, or hath not all them-
selves or I could wish. No more, my dear friend, for the
present ; you know my heart. When you come to Monaco,
be sure to wear such clothes as Mrs. Winefrid and others in
that house doth. A hundred farewells.
Yours always,
M. Ward.
Rome, Nov. 26, 1633.
With regard to the choices made severally by the
other members of the Institute, in the memorial written
for presentation to the Pope in 1629, by one of the
Naples community, the Institute is said to consist of
" Italians, Spanish, French, Germans, Netherlanders,
Bohemians, Hungarians, and English and Irish
Ladies." Of these certainly the far larger number
left it altogether at the Suppression. Many returned
to the world, and a few entered other religious orders.
The remainder, a handful in comparison of the rest,
continued faithful to the first dedication they had
made of themselves to God, and clung to Mary
Loss of Vocations. 397
Ward, waiting on in patience, in hopes of the dawn
of better days. To Mary, who had a tender regard
for the welfare of each soul with whom she had to do,
the separation from so many was perhaps the sorest
part of the deep wound inflicted on her. The loss
of vocation to a soul was to her like a living death,
and such it appears to have become to many who
had been living good lives as members of the Insti-
tute. It can scarcely be a matter of wonder, how-
ever, knowing what human nature is, and considering
the formidable array of circumstances against such
a choice, that the devoted souls who cast in their
lot with hers were the few only. Homelessness,
destitution, hunger, want, loss of good name, scorn,
shame, and disgrace in the eyes of the whole Church,
proved indeed the drifts of snow which kept warm
the buried grains of corn, as Father Gerard had
predicted, until the time, foreseen by God, when the
first green shoots of the new spring of the Institute
were to give promise of the rich harvest to follow.
But who could be surprised that not only parents
and relations and well-wishers, but priests and guides
of souls also, united in throwing their weight into
the scale against the suppressed Institute } Of the
latter, we hear that they contributed their whole
authority and endeavours in this direction, nor, in
the want of further knowledge of particular cases,
can they be blamed.
With the ruined Institute as the background of
our picture, we turn once more to Mary Ward herself.
She stands out, as her biographers delineate her to us,
in strong relief amid the troubled desolation through
39S Mary during the Sttppression.
;Which she had henceforth to make good her course,
and to guide those who had bound up their life more
than ever with hers. They speak of her as in
possession of perfect peace at this terrible con-
juncture. Her immovable confidence in God was
without doubt the source of that peace and tran-
quillity of mind which she enjoyed at all times and
on all occasions. "Nor was there seen the least
diminution or alteration in this peace, when by the
Bull she beheld, not only a period put to all her
efforts for what was dearer to her than life, but the
ruin of her labours past, the loss of so many houses
which with great toil she had established, and so
many souls running the risk of perdition by taking
this occasion to turn their backs on God Almighty.
What but this conformity to the Divine will could
have made her, without the slightest disturbance,
sadness, or least unquiet, see and rise above the total
destruction of the work of nearly thirty years, both
spiritual and temporal, except in a very small number
of souls prevented and kept by her great charity
and special care } To all which she would say, with
a serene countenance, 'If it be not my fault, all
these houses will always be houses to me, and the
desire I have had to advance others in perfection
will not be vain or useless to me.' "
THE LIFE OF MARY WARD.
BOOK THE EIGHTH.
THE BEGINNING OF REVIVAL.
CHAPTER I.
The First Years after the Suppression.
1632—1634.
Mary Ward's letters after the Bull of Suppression,
of which a considerable number remain, are mostly-
written with disguised names and forms of expres-
sion, to prevent the danger likely to result if they
fell into the hands of enemies. Former experiences,
from which she and her companions had suffered,
led her to the adoption of this system. But the loss
of letters, even with all their care, continued to trouble
them in their separation from each other. Thus in
a postscript to a letter of Elisabeth Cotton's, written
by Mary, when in great bodily suffering, to one of
the Sisters at Munich, she says : " Mrs. Co. will needs
that I salute your good worship in hers, which I do
with the best will I have or can. God knows what
you there and we here suffer for want of letters,
although both bestow, I dare say, great labours.
Perchance we serve not the angel of our letters as
we should !" In this correspondence Mary out of her
contented heart takes the name of " Felice," which
is also Anglicized into " Phillis." She calls herself
besides " Margery " and " the old woman." . The
same person has often two or three names in the
AA 2
402 Letters after the Suppression.
letters. Thus the Elector and Electress are "the
aniller and his mate," the former "the old man," and
the latter is also " Billingsgate " as formerly. " Hue
.and Sue " are two of the Electoral family. The Pope
ihas several aliases — "the Scouf," "Antony," and
others. The " baptistry " and the " loom " are the
new house to be opened at Rome, and " yellow silk,"
*' largesses," and " losings," money, of which they are
destitute for all purposes. Mary Poyntz, who was
*' Peter " when Mary was in prison, now shares this
name with Barbara Babthorpe, and is more frequently
"'Ned." Winefrid Wigmore is "Will," and W.
Bedingfield, when not " Win," is " Hierom."
There are few of these letters which give any
connected information, in consequence of their dis-
guised style, but certain facts are traceable through-
out. ■ Nor can the disguises and confusing wording
conceal Mary Ward herself from those who read
them. She shines through all in her true light.
There are the same perseverance and fidelity in her
work and calling, the same courage and unshaken
confidence in God, the same cheerfulness and sweet-
ness under every difficulty, the same tenderness and
thoughtfulness for others, which we have before re-
marked in her ordinary correspondence. No one is
forgotten ; all is right because God wills it so ; all
will be straight in the end ; each one is encouraged
and comforted, whatever may be happening. The
plans Mary has before her are also very discernible
in what she writes.
The Bull of Suppression, crushing as it was in its
details on some points with regard to the Institute,
Ground work untouched. 403
did not touch on two very important parts of Mary
Ward's original design. The Institute was broken
up, and the members were forbidden to teach false
doctrine and to meddle in matters unfitting and
above them, but they were not forbidden the ordinary
work of religious education. Their habit and certain
names of offices in use among them were condemned,
but their religious rule of life, the mainspring of their
whole status, remained. They were also allowed to
live under private vows, if they did not enter other
orders. Mary was not slow in perceiving that the
groundwork of all that her heart desired was left for
the fulfilment of what she believed God had promised
her, and that the field lay open before her to begin
her labours afresh. One great hindrance lay in the
way, besides the strange charge of heresy. The
clauses of the Bull forbade the members of the old
Institute from living or even meeting together. No
one but the Pope himself could nullify this stringent
•enactment, and we have seen how the Providence of
God had, at a very early day, interfered to mark out
before Mary the first step forwards in meeting this
difficulty. Mary had then a very definite object in
journeying to Rome, to which the recovery of her
•own good name was wholly subservient, and her sub-
sequent letters contain constant references to her
confidence, as well as to her hopes and fears and
difficulties with regard to it.
Mary's departure from Munich for Italy probably
took place some time in April, 1632, but a very short
time before the Swedes entered the city. A touching
incident occurred at her starting. The household
404 Marys farewell at Munich.
were assembled to bid her farewell. She commended
them all most tenderly to the care of Mary Poyntz,
who still remained the head of the house, though
without the title of Rectrice. Then turning to the
young novice, Frances Constable, whose rapid growth
in the spiritual life has already been spoken of, Mary
added, " And especially this one, for she will soon
be in Heaven." All were surprised, and knew not
if she said these words in earnest, for Frances was
then strong and well. Mary's discerning eye perhaps
saw, better than others, the beauty and perfection
with which God had endowed her soul, and its
readiness for the Paradise above. However this may
be, her words were shortly fulfilled, for Frances died
in a few weeks, on the 30th of June, at the age of
sixteen. Elisabeth Cotton and Anna Turner were
Mary's companions on her journey. A marvellous
history is told, on good authority, of their deliverance
from a band of murderers, who were said to be
cannibals, and inhabited a lonely house in the forests
of the Tyrol, where the travellers, after losing their
road, had to pass the night. Their safety was owing
to Mary's prudence and prayers, and the latter
became the means of the subsequent conversion of
the whole of the wretched family.
The results of Mary's proposed audience with
Pope Urban were likely to be of vital importance
to her, from whichever side she looked at them.
Besides the all-powerful word which was to release
her from the stigma of heresy, and which she sought
not only for her own, but for her companions' sake,
she had two boons to ask of him which no one but
Audience with the Pope. 405
himself could grant. These boons were of no slight
nature, and success was doubtful. But, in spite of
all that had since passed, she approached Urban with
the same simplicity and confidence as at her audience
at Frascati, when she went to lay her Institute before
him for the first time.^ After kneeling at his feet,
her first words were, " Holy Father, I neither am
nor ever have been a heretic." The Pope, with
paternal kindness, would not let her finish the rest
of the sentence, but interrupting her, said, " We
believe it, We believe it {lo credemo, lo credeino), We
need no other proof ; We and the Cardinals are well
informed as to yourself, and your habits, and your
exemplary conduct ; We and they all are not only
satisfied, but edified, and We know that you have
carried on your Institute well. We have nevertheless
permitted the trial of your virtues, nor must you
think it much to have been proved as you have been,
as other Popes, Our predecessors, have done in
similar cases, who have exercised the endurance of
the servants of God."
Mary next proceeded to lay before the Pope, that
Winefrid Wigmore was still in prison at Liege, and
having asked for her release, she made her third
petition in her old fearless, open-hearted, and out-
spoken manner. She told him that in Germany
there were a number of ladies, many quite young,
who had belonged to her Institute, and who could
not be sent back to their homes in England, as some
^ The history of this and other audiences with Urban is from
Vincentio Pageti's Breve Racconto, Fathers T. Lohner, and D. Bissel,
and Winefrid Wigmore.
4o6 Urban s miswer to requests.
other persons counselled, saying that the Bull com-
manded it, on account of the great danger and the
scandal likely to arise. Mary added that she had
not thought it well to take this step, without first
hearing the decision of His Holiness, and that these
ladies .vished to live under her guidance and under
the protection of the Holy See, It must be remem-
bered that in making this petition, Mary was in
uncertainty as to the final possession of the Para-
deiser Haus, and in ignorance of whatever negotiations
might have been carried on between Maximilian and
the Pope on the subject. Urban heard Mary atten-
tively. Her perfect openness and trustfulness won
his acquiescence, and doubtless directed by the
guiding Hand from on high, which is so especially
manifest in the dealings of the Sovereign Pontiffs for
the good of the Church, he gave the desired per-
missions, which were to furnish a first foundation-stone
for a work not to be brought to maturity, or even to-
possess any shape before the eyes of men, during
Mary Ward's own lifetime. Urban had not known
of Winefrid's imprisonment, and learned it then for
the first time. He replied, however, at once that he
should desire her immediately to be set at liberty.
For the ladies whom Mary spoke of, they should
come to Rome. "We are glad that they should
come, and We will take them under our protection
{Jiaveremo a caro che vetighino e ne terremo protettione)^
The audience was at an end, and Mary having with-
drawn, the Pope at once sent off orders for the release
of Winefrid, who hastened to join Mary Ward at
Rome.
Fears for the Paradeiser Haus. 407
Gladly as Mary must have welcomed Urban's
gracious words, and the permission to gather her
faithful English children around her at Rome, with
the power to keep a permanent footing in that city
under the eye of the Holy Father, she still saw the
cogent necessity of obtaining a similar leave for other
places also. Knowing nothing of Maximilian's in-
tentions, she trembled for the Paradeiser Haus, unless
this formal leave were obtained. The first letter of
hers which has been preserved of those written after
the Bull of Suppression, shows us something of her
mind on these points. It is dated in December, 1632,
She says :
Fain, fain would Felice have Ned's [Mary Poyntz] house
still possessed. Felice will out of hand seek if by public
order all may live together where they please, and that great
one [the Elector] may do piously and well to help them,,
and then the world is theirs. But this must be done ere
said, lest prevented, and no time shall be lost, which if
happily obtained, Felice thinks old courtesies [from Maxi-
milian] ought not to be denied but confirmed.
She further shows her fears in the same letter
while writing of the Ursulines of Hall. Hall being
within the confines of Austria, several of the convents
of enclosed nuns at Munich had gone there for safety
during the war. Those at the Anger remained, cor&-
fiding in the protection God had promised them in a
remarkable manner, and suffered less than those nuns
who left the city. The Ursuhnes had, with sisterly
kindness, written to Munich to offer Mary and hers
temporary shelter under the distresses of the time.
4o8 ItUended return to Mttnich.
Mary had at first thought of accepting the offer, but
her fears of not retaining the Paradeiser Haus, if once
vacated, prevented this.
The true cause of demur in this particular is, that if
Ned be put out of his habitation [by Maximilian], he and
his must for an interim go to Hall and be there welcome,
whether Hall will or no. But sure it will not come to that ;
I cannot dream of such a worthlessness in both \i.e., the
Elector and Electress, who were at that time returning on
a visit to Munich]. Let him and his good wife be most
gratefully welcomed, most completely and speedily visited,
thanks given for the offer on their hasty departure [when
the Swedes entered Munich], to wit, that Ned and his
should be provided, and, with these thanks, let it be known
that the said message was never delivered. Briefly let Ned
be as ever, and, in all he can, devise to keep his hold.
Mary then writes of her own intention of going
back to Munich, as soon as "the Baptistry," the
house at Rome, is established.
March is the desired month for this, but if she can get
no losings [money] to help her cutter [Winefrid Wigmore,
her assistant at Rome], she must die a poor woman and
cannot set up. She means for aught I yet see to go to
Ned, not call him to her. She is resolutissimo he shall
work with her, from which determination none can move
her. I ask her reason, she saith she hath many, besides,
knows she loves him, and he her, and besides all other,
will not have his health lost and days consumed [by the
plague then beginning]. And so much for her resolution
in this, which only her own death can alter.
These fears as to the plague are renewed in a
letter of February, 1633.
Further vindication sought. 409
Felice is afraid that Ned should get the disease, which
I think doth her health no good, especially when she hears
not from him, but I angrily bid her be assured God will
defend him for better good.
Then follow further words of confidence in God
both as to herself and all else.
Margery is very weak and ill, but she will not die ; it is
not the time, saith she. The service of Pan is dear to her,
and His nature is so truly good, as to serve who He sees
busied in His service, and He is passing powerful, and will
do Felice a good turn in due time (do not think He will
not), I do swear it, if the fault be not hers.
While waiting the arrival of the Sisters from
Munich, Mary had not forgotten the necessity of
some public recognition, by those high in authority,
of the innocence of herself and her companions as
to the charge of heresy under which they had suffered.
She had paved the way for further requests at her
first audience with Urban, and had learned that she
was guiltless in his eyes, and that he was unchanged
in his esteem for her. But she had not formally
included her companions in the expressions she then
used, nor was it likely that she would confine herself
to that one occasion, in seeking due vindication for
all of them as well as herself. It can scarcely be
doubted that the injury inflicted upon their good
name, by the stigma lying so heavily upon them of
heresy and disobedience, would form the subject of
some other early audience. Their state of destitution,
also, aggravated so severely in the Low Countries by
the manner in which the Bull was carried into effect;
4IO Letter of the Holy Office.
was little likely to have reached the ears of Urban
except through Mary's words, and was a matter sure
to go straight to his kind and compassionate heart.
Mary may have petitioned the Congregation of the
Holy Office to the same effect. In a letter of hers,,
early in January, 1633, she says :
What you heard by the last was last Wednesday pre-
sented, hath already been treated of in the King's Court,
hath been fervourously followed, and by my next you shall
know what is done and said.
Mary's next letters are unfortunately not pre-
served. But we may see Urban's authoritative in-
terference in a letter from the Secretary of the
Congregation of the Holy Office to the Nuncio at
Cologne, which, though no date is given in the
existing copy, and there is no positive evidence asr
to the year it was written, may very probably be
ascribed to 1633.
The exculpation which the words of this letter
give to the English Virgins, is so complete and full,
that our readers will excuse their being inserted here
intact, rather than in a more condensed form.^
There are in this city, at the present time, the Lady
Donna Maria della Guardia with some other of her English
companions, who with acts of humility, and of fitting rever-
ence towards the Holy See, have most readily obeyed what
our Holy Lord commanded concerning the suppression of
their Institute, to the entire satisfaction of their Eminences,
" The copy of this letter is in the Nymphenburg Archives. It is jn
Italian, without any names or dates, and looks like a rough copy, sent
by Mary for information to her companions.
Charge of heresy untrue. 411
my lords. To whom it has appeared good that I should
make your Holiness acquainted with this result, to the end
that if from evil-disposed or badly-informed persons you
should hear the contrary, you may attest to them this truth.
Also that if your Holiness should be questioned, you may
affirm that in this holy tribunal, the English Ladies who
have lived under the Institute of Donna Maria della
Guardia, are not found, nor ever have been found, guilty
of any failure which regards the holy and orthodox Catholic
faith. Moreover, having heard here that in the district of
your Nunciature various properties which belong to them
have been taken possession of, this Holy Congregation
desires that you should efficaciously employ your good
offices with those princes or other persons, whom to you
may appear necessary, in order that they may cooperate to
the restitution of all which, with injustice towards the same
ladies, has been occupied by others, that each one of them
may maintain herself by her own means and supply her
own necessities. And recommending them thus most
warmly to the pious and charitable zeal of your Holi-
ness, &c.
It was not long ere events in Rome caused Mary
to change her intentions of returning once more to
Munich. Her proceedings had been closely watched
ever since her arrival in Rome by those who had
urged on the Bull, and with it her imprisonment. A
letter from England to Dr. Smith, Bishop of Chal-
cedon, who was then living at Paris,' written by one
' In the Archives of the diocese of Westminster (vol. xvi.), by W. E.,
probably W. East, an alias. The letter is addressed "to his best
lord." The year is not added to the date. Mr. Fitton arrived in
Rome as clergy agent in October, 1631. The Brief mentioned was
one to annul professions made without a novitiate, and was published
in November of that year.
412 Letter to Bishop Smith.
who must have been in his confidence, shows the
determination to stop, if possible, any future plans
which Mary Ward might make, and that those who
opposed her could not still divest themselves of the
idea that she was the tool of a party in England. It
shows also that they saw as well as she did the
opening left her by the wording of the Bull. The
writer says :
Mrs. Ward is sayd here to bee gone up to R. with a
certaynty of having her order confirmed — revelationibus
am?nata divinittis : but as I heere, los Padres advise her to
lay downe her imaginary pretended mission, and to apply
her ayme only to a confirmation of her Institute to bring
up feminine youth, soe by that means, betvveene them, both
sexes shall have a general dependence of them. This pro-
ject will prove as dangerous to the Church, and particularly
all orders of that sex, as their other project was ridiculous.
I would Mr, Fitton knew this ; for here they give it out
with great confidence that her order is presently to be con-
firmed, and that some great one inidta passus est in somnis
pro ilia. There is no esteeme made heere of that Breve
Super Professioiiibus, neither take they any notice of it.
Your lordship's ever most dutiful child,
W. E.
April 9.
The party of English Ladies invited by the Pope
from Bavaria do not appear to have reached Rome
until the spring of 1633. Want of money must have
occasioned the delay, quite as much as the difficulty
and danger of making the journey in winter and in
time of war. It can scarcely be doubted that Maxi-
milian and the Electress were the kind benefactors
Urban favours the English Ladies. 413
who finally provided what was necessary. The
travellers were many in number, Margaret Genison,
v/ho had been Superior at Vienna, accompanying
nearly the whole of the younger inmates of the
Paradeiser Haus to Italy, But no sooner was it
whispered in Rome, long before their arrival, that
the Pope had given them permission to come, than
Mary's " good friends " there, alarmed at the favour
thus shown her by Urban, endeavoured to prevent
the arrangement from being brought to bear. They
could not openly petition the Pontiff on such a sub-
ject, but at their instigation some one in authority,
who had the power of doing so, put it before Urban
that it would not be decorous to see so many young
ladies at the Papal Court, and that, moreover, it
would appear as if the Bull were set aside. Urban,
however, without discussing the matter, replied "that
he had given the permission, and that it was his wish
that they should come." He further gave strength
to his words, and intimated how he regarded the
suggestion, by commending them to the especial care
of Donna Constanza, his sister-in-law, of Donna
Anna, her daughter, and of his two nephews. Car-
dinals Francesco and the younger Antonio Barberini.
Besides these marks of his favour. Urban com-
manded Donna Constanza on their arrival to lend
them one of her carriages, and at his wish Donna
Anna Barberini introduced them, three at a time, at
special audiences to kiss his feet. At these audiences
he received them with every sign of paternal kind-
ness, and told them that he did so gladly. He said
to them that he had great pleasure at their living in
414 Mary seeks a larger house.
Rome, and that he knew every one would be edified
by their means. Their "good friends" were not,
however, yet satisfied of the fruitlessness of their
attempts. They again obtained that it should be
suggested to the Pope by several prelates, that if
these ladies were allowed to live with Mary Ward,
the Bull would be nullified. But Urban answered
with great earnestness and firmness, "Where should
they live, or where can they live so well ? "
These aggressive measures of her opposers led
Mary to see that it would be her wiser course to
remain in Rome, where her neighbourhood to the
Pope, the paternal redresser of her wrongs, might
relieve her from many future difficulties. She gave
up then the thought of going herself to Bavaria, and
determined that Mary Poyntz should come to her in
Italy, where she needed her help as the head of the
household gathered together there. Through the re-
mainder of the year 1633, her letters contain constant
allusions to Mary Poyntz' coming, and directions how
this was to be compassed. She wanted to get a
larger house in Rome beforehand, with better accom-
modation, but the want of money made the loan or
gift of one necessary, and this was no easy matter.
The need of money pressed sorely ; there was little
enough even to support so many, and none to procure
what furniture or other things were necessary in the
new plan. She wished to, and, at a later day,
•apparently did, admit young ladies, especially the
English, en pension. But for this, and even for the
move into a new house, she sought a definite per-
mission from Urban, lest those who did not wish her
Goes to Anticoli. 415
well should work some evil by it. " The scouf " is to
be "asked for a letter patent, to set up her loom;
Felice is labouring with might and main to have this
if such a grace she can with all her forces procure ;
delays may be dangerous, and she prohibited, through
those who desire to hinder her trade and traffic."
But "silk, silk!" she says in one letter. "Good Jesus,
what will be done for largesses .-' the only want of
which, if God work not some miracle, will be the loss
of all. Jesus, for His goodness' sake, do what His
poor servants cannot, for His own honour."
Meantime Mary had been suffering greatly in
health. Elisabeth Cotton writes at the back of a
scrap preserved for the sake of Mary's words on the
other side, " The physician now daily saith her life
is miraculous ; indeed, her sleep or meat are neither
anything to be counted of, and yet she lives, and will
live." In June, Mary Poyntz had in some way
obtained money enough to enable Mary to drink the
waters at Anticoli for a few days. She writes thence
and says : " They do well with me, which I long till
Ned know, for sure I am, none living more desires
my health than that honest youth." On her return
to Rome she again writes :
This is St. Ignatius' Eve, and I am either very idle or
extraordinary ill. The heats are great, and I had said little
or nothing this day, but old Margery hath begged that I
would let her son Ned know that she hath writ unto him of
her resolution to begin to set up her loom at Michaelmas,
that she expects to meet him about that time at my Lady
Mary's chief house [Loreto], that he therefore go so soon
as he can to take leave of the miller and his mate, and have
4i6 Mary Poyntz at Braunau.
from them what can possibly be had, by such speech and
in such manner as to Ned his prudence may seem best.
It was a matter of propriety as well as courtesy
that Mary Poyntz should visit the Elector and
Electress, who had then retired for safety with their
Court to the fortress of Braunau on the Inn, on the
confines of Austria. This was a long journey to be
performed on foot from Munich, in the then troubled
state of the country, but it was undertaken by Mary
Poyntz and Barbara Babthorpe without hesitation.
Mary hoped, besides the leave of absence necessary
to be asked by the former, who had received so many
marks of favour as head of the Paradeiser Haus,
that the Sovereigns would bestow money to supply
the expenses of the journey for her and her com-
panions, as well as for other needs. Mary's letters
are full of anxiety concerning this meeting :
Felice dies to hear that Ned hath been with Billingsgate
and how all there passed, Jesus of His goodness protect
His. Billingsgate I love from my heart, she shall be served
to her content, but let her give vacance [leave of absence].
In another she writes :
Jesus grant Ned some competent quantity of yellow
silk and that his master be willing to part with him for
a time, if so things succeed to the best. Let Ned give
what satisfaction he can to his comrade [companion or
assistant, Winefrid Bedingfield], assuring him of Felice her
true affection and confidence and mind she hath, he should
in Ned's absence undergo that charge.
In later letters she says :
Felice was even now with me up-heaped with desires
that Peter and Ned should know that they expect him
P^'oposed Meeting at Loreto. 417
meet her at the Blue Lady, her chief house, where covered
heads nor canopies over queens were not to enter, there,
there is the appointed place of meeting, and who first
arrives must expect the other. She desires. his prayers for
supply of her many wants, she will not cease to labour and
something in fine will be. God is rich enough for us all.
As the time drew nearer for " Ned's " arrival,
Mary is more exact in her directions, and there is
a reference in disguised language to her own route
to meet her, which may perhaps, without straining
these aliases beyond their due meaning, tend to show
that Mary Ward was still in communication and
obtaining advice from Father Gerard. The fact that
Father Gerard's chief residence for the last ten years
of his life was mainly at Rome, would not militate
against his being absent from time to time from the
city. One of his aliases latterly had been Thomas
Roberts. Mary, after saying that the place of " meet-
ing Ned is to be Madame Blue her chief house," adds:
Thomas, who gave not the great writing in time [the
long letter to Mary Poyntz preserved in Germany] his town,
I mean the place where now he lives, is many days nearer
Ned than that lady's house, and to that town must his mother
come, it is as you know in her way, so as if Ned stayed
there [at Loreto] till his mother came it would speed him
less [in their meeting]. But this she wholly leaves to him,
where he will stay to his most devotion. Howsoever it
will be needful he see and salute Thomas, James [Elis.
Cotton] his friend, I mean, as he passeth by him, one or
more times, as he seeth cause or perceives would content
most.
Mary no sooner heard from " Ned " at Braunau,
" that Billins was in good terms and that Peter would
BB 2
41 8 Letter to Wi7iefrid Bedingfield.
begin his business so soon," than she wrote definitely
to Winefrid Bedingfield to install her at the Para-
deiser Haus in Mary Poyntz's place. She had
hitherto been her "companion" or assistant, she was
now to be the head and have charge of all. The
letter is addressed to her in full, and Mary writes :
My dear Winn, — Now I have more than ever cause to
see and experience your love and loyalty to God, your
companion, and me. Do therefore all in her absence so
as she and yourself did and is best to be. Answer these by
the first, I shall be there to receive them. Three posts
before these, extremes in one kind or other, toothache,
vomits, &c., hindered me from wTiting to you about her
departure and that you should supply the whole. My heart
you know, and my mind in manner of doing all you are not
ignorant of [After telling her to write questions of business
to her through Elis. Cotton, Mary adds :] Let me hear
often from you. Your manner of terms of and in writing
is very good, and such as none but should can understand.
Vale. Make account that what Margery can say to yours
there, will be more than that is said. Your sister Frances is
well and doth as well as I could wish. Lines Soliciana. [?]
What saith our dear Jungfrau ? all, all happiness to her.
7ber. 17, 1633.
Mary writes on the same day to Marj' Poyntz to
bring with her " two great painted pieces that were
rolled up so long, and all new wrought things for the
altar, &c. Methinks these should never find you at
home, therefore no more, but to your dear self, worthy
hearer [confessor, Rev. H. Lee] our Jungfrau and all,
what is their due. All my holy things, God grant,
be not forgotten ! Vale!' In anxiety at hearing
nothing more of the travellers, Mary writes again on
Marys welcome to Mary Poyntz. 419
the 1st of October to Winefrid : "Where is Mrs.
Campian ? " She then tells her that " Margery is
labouring about a house that may be to hers for ever."
At last, on the 5th of October, Mary writes to Mary
Poyntz, full of playful joy :
A thousand thousand welcomes so near us. Not one
word heard I of your setting forth from your own town till
this morning I had yours from Ferrara, and yet God knows
what search I have made. Alas ! my Mary, I cannot set
forth this twenty days, the reason you will know when I
have you. Have you ? Alas ! I have and shall for ever
you ! but here I mean. Well, there is a speech of a house
to be given Margery and hers, and I will see that business
so well advanced as that it could not go back, if not in
possession. Make, I pray, a most profound and humble
reverence to my Lady Mother and Mistress for poor me,
then come to me with what speed you can possible, I
mean commodiously, for I think the time long till I have
you here to penance for all the faults you crave pardon for !
Keep your coming to Rome as much as is possible from
the knowledge or suspect of the Jerusalems, for that they
know is the only and worst of bads can happen, because
your being here must be private, and if known, so wholly
hindered, or else her departure will be public. But if there
is no remedy but that the said Jerusalems must know of
your coming, let not that hinder you nor anything else, we
will overcome all and have what we will, or to say better,
will nothing but what we have or can have. A thousand
thousand farewells. Ever yours.
Rome, 8ber. 5, 1633.
The meeting was at length happily accomplished,
and on the 29th of October Mary writes to Winefrid
Bedingfield :
420 Further letlei's.
My dear Winn, — Thou shall not always be put off with
a postscript. Poor Ned is very ill of her old disease. I
hope it will pass, meanwhile it is a sad thing to see one so
worthy of love so pained, and were she now on her journey
she must lie by ; but so good is God. I cannot say how
much joy and true content it is to me to see by yours in
what degree [a word destroyed, perhaps Barbara Babthorpe,
who was Provincial and had a general charge of all without
a title] is with you, and by his discourses what he holds of
his dear and so deserving companion. How happy a thing
it is to love God and serve and seek Him da vero. I ever
loved much more than ordinary, but I shall fear to love
you too much, if your proceedings be still such as I verily
think they will.
In the last letter of the year 1633, written on the
back of one from Mary Poyntz, Mary says :
Have true care of your health. Frank [Frances Beding-
field] is well. I would give methinks to be with you and
in your grott [the Gruft] only till to-morrow morning and
Peter with me or I with her, and who else I could wish.
Ever yours.
Mary Poyntz writes at the back :
How ill our Mother is you will hear from your cousin.
You know my Mistress is out of all linen and clothes, a
great valise full was lost coming from the baths. At
another time her taffety petticoat and indeed all she had
in manner of speech, even her hose was gone. But God
sent linen again. She is most poor. I would seek to
provide as my office and duty is, but want wherewithal.
Two crowns hath been given by my Cos., but all goes to the
common use, she hath the least. The little monies I
brought is gone the way of all monies. Jesus make these
girls good and grateful, great cost, labour, and suffering do
The Roman Household. 421
they cost. Our new house will not be had till the end of
October, the Spaniard in it departs not till then. It is a
fine house, would it were filled as I wish.
A few words must be said concerning the house-
hold of which Mary Poyntz had come so far to take
the charge. Mary Ward's letters show that she had
not been without her anxieties on their account.
The advantages which these young girls ha'd in living
in close intimacy with Mary were great. She had a
special gift of developing and helping forward even
doubtful vocations or souls under temptation. There
is an occurrence which is told^ of her in the later
years of her life which may illustrate this. She one
day came across a novice of whom God revealed to
her that she was suffering strong temptation against
her calling, because everything appeared to her hard
and difficult. Mary stopped and spoke to her with
great kindness and affection : " Dear child," she said,
" virtue is only hard to those who think it to be so.
Your way to Heaven must be to receive everything
from the hand of God, and to seek Him in all." " As
she spoke the temptation fled away, never to return,
and the young novice was at peace. But of the
Roman household it was no novice, but Margaret
Genison who was to Mary a subject of grief and
foreboding of evil yet in store, as far as the
future prosperity of her soul was concerned. We
have seen how tenderly Mary had regarded her
in the past, and it was perhaps to bring her near
her holy uncle. Father Gerard, that she had called
her to Rome. We may remember too the message,
- The Forty-eighth Picture of the Painted Life.
422 The E^iglish Novices.
strange as it sounded, sent to her by Mary from her
prison. It was a jest, however, which was meant to
convey a warning of deep meaning to Margaret.
Only a few months after she arrived in Rome, in
August, 1633, Mary writes :
Were it not good, Ellen Martial took some kind of
waters. I wish she did not die, yet who knows, had your
best confessor his niece died with you, she had been
happier, for she will to the wide world and my youngest
cousin, I mean Bes. B. [Elisabeth Babthorpe] will also to
her parents. I would they had her. Will's niece [Wine-
frid Wigmore's niece, Anna W.] doth and ever will do
singularly well and so Ned his comrade his sister [Frances
Bedingfield], and all but the two aforesaid, and God knows
how they will be got to their desired home.
A month before Mary had cause for anxiety in
several of them, and wrote :
Ned's nephew and his comrade's youngest brother have
recanted, and will, I think, do better than ever, but the
other two as yet constant in bad. Pray for them. To
your hearer [confessor] all that can be said, to my dear
Jungfrau all her own heart could desire, friends at Anger
and elsewhere as they deserve.
Again she says :
All yours with me doth and will do most happily, my
partner's niece [Marg. Genison] and Simon's [Barb. Bab-
thorpe's] younger excepted.
At last, on the loth of September, Mary writes :
Peter's nephew [Barbara Constable] gave the best to
God yesterday, I would say on Thursday, the Nativity of
our Blessed Lady, in her chief church [St. Maria Maggiore]-
Schools at Munich. 423
Margaret was full of pain, yet went on foot with him.
Jesus make him a saint. All his schoolfellows, I trust in
Jesus, will do well, except the least in stature and Mr.
Stafford his nephew. Of this latter there are some hopes.
These hopes, however, proved delusive, for in the
last letter of the year 1633, Mary Poyntz writes:
"I heard of Phillis, the good lass should retire to
her own parish and a substantial man to attend her."
Mary's patience had a better reward in the case of
EHsabeth Babthorpe, who lived to be an edifying
example to all the rest of the household, and died
finally in the Roman house in 1678.
Barbara Babthorpe's business with the Elector
and Electress, for which she took the toilsome walk
from Munich to Braunau, seems to have been to
obtain leave to open a day school again at the
Paradeiser Haus. We have seen she obtained her
request, whatever it was, and we again hear early
in the year 1634, of the little consignments of money
the produce of their work, sent to Rome for the
needs of the household there. Early in the year 1634,
Mary writes to Winefrid Bedingfield :
Would to God your monies for me were here, though
it can never come amiss, and you would have good recrea-
tion to know how many several uses in my mind I put
those monies to ! One day 1 hope in Jesus we shall meet
and be merry at this and many such. What will the miller
do? I will write unto him take it as he pleaseth by the
next, not to beg but to condole. [The whole of Bavaria
had again been left to the mercy of the Swedes by Wallen-
stein returning into Saxony.] I sent the last week by a
Father that goes to Vienna a pair of beads fairly strung to
424 Intercourse with the Elector.
the Empress with some fruits in wax, and some such tokens
to other friends, all which how they are accepted you shall
know, but it will be Whitsuntide ere they have them. To
my Jungfrau all. Vale. Be merry, good, and happy, and
pray for her that never forgets you.
Again Mary writes :
My dearest Winn, — Please that Madame Catharine
Abbess to your utmost, I mean in all you can, never seem
to make question of ours being as welcome there as ever.
Say that some are absented for the plague, &c., but to
return again, meanwhile they are with me, you expect
them this spring, or as soon as the town is healthy. Ask
to make the Duke reverence when he comes, make your
number as to be always eight or ten, seem doubtful of
nothing, but as that all is and were to be for ever as
heretofore, I mean in the Duke's love and benevolence.
Good Winn, think what I would say should I once be freed
of this tumult and hindrance. I long in extreme to hear how
all goes with you, and how the miller, the Abbess, and all,
all goes. I give not a word of thanks for your money, nor
tell you the much service it hath done. Vale, vale.
Mary's affectionate heart was to suffer many a
wound in the year 1634. Death found entrance
among the united and faithful household at Munich.
The sufferings of anxiety and the want of proper
food told on several, while the fearful scourge from
which scarcely a family escaped, was no less to lay
its hand on that at the Paradeiser Haus. Joanna
Brown, one of Mary's first companions, had probably
died before Mary Ward left Munich. There is no
date given as to the year when this occurred. She
was buried in the cloister of the Franciscan Fathers,
the English Virgins having hitherto had no vault of
Death of Joan^ia Brown. 425
their own. Mary had brought her from Naples,
where she had been Procuratrix. Her health entirely-
failing, it was believed that change to a northern
air might restore her, or at least lengthen her life.
A litter was provided for her for the journey, and
a man servant, and also a lay-sister to attend her.
When she arrived, Mary's affectionate care appor-
tioned two rooms for her sole use, and the continual
service of an attendant to nurse and take charge of
her. When any one would suggest that this was
bordering on superfluity, Mary would reply, *' What }
would you that we should spare any expense for one
who formerly never spared herself in the service of
Jesus Christ } " Joanna continually grew worse in
spite of everything done for her, and the grief and
anxiety consequent on the Bull finally brought her
days to a close. Cicely Morgan was not long in
following her, the same causes probably hastening
her end, which finally appears to have been sudden,
and was felt by Mary proportionately. In July,
1633, Mary writes: "Poor Cicely! for God's love
put a cross on her grave, and when God makes us
able, bury her more like what God made her, at least,
well born. Her death so, without failing, hath done
me harm,"
Ellen Martial, or Marshall, was the next : a young
religious who had entered the Institute at the age
of twenty-one in 1629. Her younger sister Clara
was at Rome, and they were connected with Frances
Brookesby. There are many notices of her gradual
failure in health in Mary's letters. At length in the
summer of 1634, she seems to have had some pre-
426 The Victims of the plagtie.
vision of her death, for she writes : " What would
I give to know how all do, and how all passeth with
and about you. I will thank our Lord much for
the confidence and other graces He gives you. I
much fear E, M. is by this time dead, to-morrow I
will procure a Mass for the Dead at adventure, to-
day I would but could not." Ellen Marshall died
in July.
The plague had greatly increased its ravages in
Munich, and Winefred seems to have written of her
anxieties for their household generally, and of her
own special anxieties in the prospect of, it might be,
a sudden death. Mary answers her :
I had made myself sure of this two hours, but since this
cannot be, be most assured that the less I am now able to
say to you, the more I do and will pray for you. Be
confident in God, more than ever grateful to His unseen
goodness. Be most careful of your health, and though all
should die (as I trust in the mercy of God none will), yet
seek you to live and prepare yourself to begin to serve Him
with abundant love and in greatest perfection. Make your
general confession when yourself thinks good and finds a
confessor' to your liking, but so as health be not hurt.
My remembrances to Barbara and all. I could wish
Ursula had a mind of herself to stay still with you, but
force her not, neither woo her. Vale. All yours, M. W.
9, pber.
Meanwhile the plague had marked out its victim,
in the self-denying and self-sacrificing Jungfrau, who
was accustomed both to beg for and purchase the
food for the needs of the household. She suddenly
sickened, and recognizing in herself the fatal and
Death of Caiharina Kochin. 427
well-known symptoms, she earnestly requested to be
taken at once to the public hospital of the town to
be nursed. Catharina Kochin knew that to remain
among those she loved was but to add some of
them to the long list of the dead, and with unselfish
forethought urged her petition until it was granted.
She never saw them again, for after some hours'
suffering she went to her reward, and her body was
buried among the plague-stricken, already occupying
one corner of the cemetery of the city. The date
of Catharina's death is not given, but it must have
occurred late in the year 1634. On the 30th of
December Mary writes to Winefrid :
For Jesus' sake, prefer the safety of yourself and yours
before all things that obligeth not in conscience. Would
to Christ my poor prayers could secure you and free me
from solicitude in that particular, though I truly confide
God will not let one more of you suffer. Let your con-
fessions and hearing of sermons be with moral security,
at least never with imminent danger. Good Winn, be
careful and merry. A most happy new year to you and
yours, give the same from me to my dearly beloved Jung-
frau, to whose holy prayers I instantly commend my poor
self and many necessities. Be mindful of me in your grotte
[our Lady's GruftJ. I have a great suit to our Blessed
Lady, which I will hereafter tell you. I hope you have
heard what passed betwixt Margery and the scouf. See
you love God, and help me in all, not all you can, you can
all. Vale, a thousand good nights.
CHAPTER II.
Last Troubles, Illnesses, and Journeys.
1635—1638.
The interview with Urban of which Mary's last
letter of the year 1634 makes mention, may probably
have been to obtain the " patent," so long talked of
as necessary in entering their new house, which they
were to take possession of in October of that year.
That she obtained her petition we can scarcely doubt,
from a reply given by the Pope to those who again
sought to raise his suspicions concerning her and her
proceedings. Rome was unusually full of English
during the year 1635 and those which followed, prob-
ably from the increasedly unsettled state of England.
Many of them were of high position, and both
Catholics and Protestants went to and fro to Mary's
house on the Esquiline, near St. Mary Major's, and
the house itself was filled besides. Such a state of
things once more excited the fears of Mary's opposers,
and they had it reported to the Pope, " in what terms
God and he alone knew," that a great concourse of
people frequented her society. Urban replied, how-
ever, " that he was very glad to hear it, for assuredly,"
he said, " they are either good or they will become so,
since they frequent that house." Thus did Urban
ever stand forward as her friend at times of need,
Death of the E lee tress Elisabeth. 429
and we shall see how at length he put a final stop to
these petty annoyances.
Death had not quite done its work in carrying ofif
those whom Mary Ward cherished and revered
during the year 1634. The year 1635 began with the
loss of one whose place could hardly be filled again
to her and her companions. The Electress Elisabeth,
the generous and kind-hearted patroness of the
English Virgins, had for the last three years been
suffering from fever brought on by anxiety at the
state of her adopted country, the miseries of its
inhabitants, and the reverses and political troubles
of her husband. This fever at length brought her to
the grave. Elisabeth died early in January at the
Castle of Ranshofen, and was buried in the Michaele
Kirche at Munich, which she and Maximilian had so
munificently adorned with gifts and relics. Her
tender affection for Mary and her companions made
her loss an irreparable one. Unfortunately the letter
in which Mary must have written of her death is not
preserved. The first letter of the year 1635, is but a
few lines of anxiety concerning the health of all at
the Paradeiser Haus, the plague not having yet dis-
appeared from the city.
" My dear Winn, I could hope thou art not sick,
but to want any post now goes very hard. Be most
careful to avoid danger. Jesus bless and keep you
and all with you. By the next, if I can, the old man
[the Elector] shall have something in Italian to the
purpose you wished. I only defer for better advantage.
St. Joseph is my patron for this year. Help me to be
much in his favour."
430 Marys failing health.
Mary wrote this letter to Maximilian with some
proposal for opening fresh schools and other plans
later, for she says in another letter, " Not one word
from the miller, I will yet live in hope."
As the year 1635 advanced, Mary's health became
more and more shattered. On the back of Mary's
first letter Mary Poyntz writes : " My dear Mother's
health is most poor, she is even lame besides all
other pains." She adds to Winefrid : " Keep out of
all danger, and grace and health is your task, and so
to provide some losings [gains in money]."
Again, two or three months later Mary Poyntz
adds to Mary's letter, " Our Mother's health is ex-
treme bad, no means to have it better nor less, and
now care is renewed lest you receive damage in dear
times. For God's love pray hard that God do not
according to our sins. Cough, fever, and stone, and
these pains incessantly, without any means to remedy.
She has .sent for what is a horse-load of St. Cassiano
waters, but has no reward, nor to feed on as ought.
Pan is powerful. Your cousin cannot write, she is
hard at work, but salutes you, and so do all. Frank
[Frances Bedingfield] has lost her pains, but remains
with a great lameness. The rest are very well."
In the spring Mary's symptoms became so aggra-
vated that the physicians again ordered her to the
baths as the only hope of relief, and even of life.
Meanwhile, for some months Mary's " good friends,"
seeing her favour with Urban, and that she had made
a permanent settlement in Rome, under his sheltering
care, had, in order to nullify the effects of what
could not but strengthen and advance her plans,
Visit of Monsignor Boccabella. 431
spread the report through England and in the Low-
Countries, that she was only a prisoner at large in
Rome, suffered to live there on parole, but not
permitted to leave it. Their correspondents in Rome
were therefore much discomfited at the news that she
was quietly preparing to stay at St. Cassiano, as one
who had perfect right to direct her own proceedings,
and go where she would. They tried to stop her, by
means of the Pope himself, and again to make him
suspect her of double-dealing. Some prelate who
had the power of approaching him, gave him infor-
mation with sundry details, showing that Mary's real
intention was to proceed to England from St. Cassiano,
and working on the well-known ignorance of English
affairs in Rome, probably he enlarged on the ill-effects
to the cause of the Church which her appearance
would cause there.
Urban's timidity was worked upon by their argu-
ments, and he sent Mgr. Boccabella, an eminent
prelate attached to the Pope's household, and Auditor
of the Rota, to give Mary a message from himself, to
the purport that for certain grave reasons of State it
was his wish that she should not then leave Rome.
Mary, obedient as she ever was to the slightest word
of Urban, saw at once in the sudden change from
the perfect liberty granted her by him, who it was
who must be at work thus to have altered the views
of the Pope without any cause on her part. She
replied then to the prelate with her accustomed firm-
ness and gentleness, and in a tone of surprise, "Am I
then a prisoner t " " By no means," he answered,
" you are free, entirely free, nor is there anything in
432 Marys message to the Pope.
you which are held in suspicion, and I myself am a
witness of the paternal tenderness and affection which
His Holiness has for you, but there are considerations
for which he wishes that you should not go out of
Rome." Mary replied, " This is a difficult matter.
My life, and my good name, which I value more than
life, are here both concerned. I know how far duty
obliges me in such a case, yet tell His Holiness from
me, that I am most ready to obey him, and that I lay
them both at his feet, not only willingly, but with
devotion, and that I would willingly sacrifice a
thousand lives if I had them in order to obey his
wishes." These words, together with the warmth of
feeling with which they were spoken, drew tears from
Mgr. Boccabella, He withdrew, and proceeded forth-
with to deliver Mary's message to the Pope, who
when he heard it, would listen no more to their
" considerations and reasons of State," but said, " she
should go whither she would and as she would."
Mary had waited meantime, fully resigned to God's
disposition of her, and as soon as she received the
Pope's answer, prepared for the journey, and went.
San Cassiano was crowded with all sorts of visitors,
who were seeking relief from its healing waters. On
the second day Mary Ward and her companion,
probably Winefrid Wigmore, were at the fountain
for Mary to commence her course. A religious was
there also, and Mary pointing him out to Winefrid,
said, " he is put to be my spy," of which she must
have received some interior warning from God. Per-
ceiving Winefrid's look of dismay, Mary added, " Do
not fear, God will help us, we will so pray to his
San Cassiano and Piano Castagnano. 433
good angel, that he shall not have the power to say
aught in prejudice of God's honour, or our inno-
cency." After saying this she went on drinking the
waters with entire tranquillity and cheerfulness. Two
days subsequently the Father sickened, and in eight
days died. Mary's weakness was so great that she
proved unable to drink the waters in the quantity
which her malady demanded, and the physicians
therefore decided that it would be necessary that she
should take them again in the autumn, and mean-
time that she must pass the heat of the summer in
some good air.
One of Mary's friends, the Marchese de Monte,
had a beautiful chateau among the mountains,
near Piano Castagnano. The ground around was
well wooded, and the solitude of the place had
many charms for Mary. The Marchese placed the
castle entirely at Mary's disposal. It was an ancient
rambling building, containing, it was said, three hun-
dred rooms ; but no one was to be admitted during
Mary's stay without an especial leave from her, so
that not even some Capuchin monks, or the Spanish
Ambassador, who was hunting in the neighbourhood,
and asked to rest for a few hours, gained any entrance
until the keeper of the chateau had obtained her per-
mission. Mary occupied but three or four of the
rooms, as might be supposed. Her first endeavour
after her arrival was to ascertain what priests or
religious were in the vicinity, that she might fix on
one for a confessor. There were none, however, but
the parish priest and some Franciscan friars. She
resolved finally to take one of the latter, of the
CC 2
434 Letters to the Elector.
Mitigated Order of St. Francis, called there
Gaudentes, a man of singular learning and exemplary-
life, the two things which alone she regarded. He
remained her confessor during the weeks she
remained at the chateau. We shall see how God's
Providence acted in this.
After Mary's departure from Rome her letters
must have been a greater care to her even than usual,
from the knowledge of the espionage of which she
was the subject. Only two or thre6 scraps remain
of this period, written on the back of letters from
Mary Poyntz and Winefrid Wigmore. She writes
one, probably from Piano Castagnano, in which she
still speaks of some proposal of further schools or
work which she had made to Maximilian to which
she had received no reply. " My dear Winn, I will
not fail to write such letters as you mention, but will
first see what the miller saith to Phelice her friendly
proposition, which if not corresponded withal, the
worst I fear will be his own, and she without hopes
to live and reign. I hold the writing honourable, and
Phelice cares not though he show it to all his whole
household, and so much for that." The letters Wine-
frid Bedingfield was asking for were probably con-
gratulatory, on Maximilian's marriage with the
Emperor Ferdinand's daughter Marianne. He had
just brought his bride to Munich, and again Mary
fears for the possession of the Paradeiser Haus, lest
it may be wanted as a dower house for the new
Electress. She continues : " I long in extreme to
hear how Frau Katzin will be disposed of, and where
they will inhabit. I have fear to lose Paradise, but if
Return to San Cassiano. 435
so Jerome shall not want a habitation nor have want
of what he hath now. Here come strangers. Fare-
well." In August Mary wrote again, in spite of her
own sufferings :
Jesus bless my dear Win, and her bees [schools] also.
But in best earnest set all other things and cares aside to
tend to, or rather than hurt, your health. Think you to be
long so solitary or have no more to do than now you do ?
We shall meet, my Winn, I die not at this time. Say most
truly how your health is by your next, and more, — to witt,
^1 that is. Vale.
Mary's time of retirement in the solitude of
Piano Castagnano passed quickly and agreeably to
her, but for the continual -bodily suffering to which
she was subject. The time having come when the
waters could again be taken, she went back directly
to San Cassiano, where her return was eagerly wel-
comed by all the strangers assembled there. She
mixed more freely among them than on former occa-
sions, probably as a matter of principle, since the
Bull of Suppression. The charm of her conversation,
and the sweet cheerful demeanour which never left
her, even under the heaviest bodily suffering, drew
all hearts to her. Winefrid says, " all that was most
excellent in nature and grace united " to produce
that charm, which acted like a spell to attract every
one, of whatever character or degree, and gave her
the power of winning them to what was good, even
in despite of themselves. All trusted her and sought
her company. The most jealous Italians esteemed
.their wives sufficiently guarded by her, and with her
they might go out and amuse themselves as they
436 Mary closely watched.
would. She was loved and honoured by all, and it
was commonly said, that her presence made every
place like a King's Court in brightness and hap-
piness.
Five days after Mary's return to the baths, a
religious, totally a stranger to her, came and asked to
speak to her. He told her that he had a secret which
he felt strongly prompted to discover to her ; he
had many motives urging him to do so, and as many
telling him to forbear, and these latter greatly im-
porting his own interest, for he should be undone if
it came to be known that he had revealed the matter.
He found, however, great remorse of conscience, he
said, in wishing to conceal it, for the example she
gave assured him that she was highly wronged, and
charity forbade that any one should see innocency
suffer, if it could be prevented. He then told Mary
" that a certain religious of his own Order had been
appointed to be her spy" (who was the one Mary
had herself pointed out to her companions, and who
was since dead). " That no sooner had she left Rome
than information was given that she had God knows
what designs ; that she meant to go to England, and
that it was of exceeding great consequence that she
should be prevented. Whereupon orders were given
to all the Inquisitors to stop her, especially to those
of Perugia, of Citta della Pieve, Siena, Radicofani,
and Piano Castagnano."
Here it may be noted at once how the good
Providence of God had watched over Mary, amidst
the entanglement of difficulty into which she might
have fallen by means of this extensive system of
//(?;' Co7t/esso/s letter to Rome. 437
espionage. The Franciscan whom she had chosen,
without any knowledge of who he was, for her con-
fessor, when she went in the early summer to the
castle at Piano Castagnano, and to whom she had
confessed until the autumn, was himself the Inquisitor
appointed for that place, to watch her every move-
ment. By this means he had obtained such a know-
ledge of her eminent holiness and of her meritorious
life, that he wrote to Rome an account of her, " suffi-
cient," it was said, " not only for her justification, but
even for her canonization." Meantime, the orders
given to those who \yere to act as her spies, began to
be whispered about, so that not only the religious,
but the strangers staying at' the baths heard of them,
to their no little indignation, seeing that one so un-
blameable should be so wronged and persecuted.
They spoke to Mary at length, and endeavoured to
persuade her not to venture her life and good name,
where at any moment the force of authority might
deprive her of both. " She was bound to help her-
self," they said, "their persons and money were at
her service, they were Tuscans, and not subject to
ecclesiastical jurisdiction." Mary expressed her grati-
tude for their proffered kindness, but faith was too
strong in her to allow her to be moved or to feel the
least fear. She smiled therefore, and said she would
first finish her course of waters, and then return to
Rome.
Before leaving the baths, she made her accus-
tomed visit to Our Blessed Lady of Monte Giovino,
where, as we know, her prayers had often been
efficacious. The writer of the manuscript biography
438 CoTnplaints to Urban.
says, that "this visit was to the no small, I may say
mortal terror of her companions, as they had to pass
Citta della Pieve, where one of the Inquisitors
resided. On her return, they, counting the steps and
moments until she was out of the Pope's territory,
saw her stand to speak to a poor priest who asked
for an alms. Her companions ventured to complain
that she would do what might have proved hazardous
to her life and liberty. Mary with much earnestness
replied, ' I had rather perish in doing my duty than
escape by neglecting it.' " As a measure of prudence^
however, she gave up a visit to Loreto, which she had
planned ere going back to Rome.
On Mary's return to Rome, she visited several of
the Cardinals of the Congregation of the Holy Office,
and was received by them with even greater marks of
esteem and respect than usual. But she knew that
she had a duty to perform with regard to her good
name, which had been trifled with by the system of
espionage and the petty annoyances to which she
had been subjected. She therefore sought an audience
with the Pope, which he ever most readily granted
her. On entering his presence, and placing herself
at his feet, she said, " Holy Father, what more can
poor Mary Ward do to prove her fidelity and loyalty
towards your Holiness and towards the Catholic
Church, but must her life, her good name, and her
liberty also be left in the hands of men, but too
easily suborned and corrupted.?" Urban, with fatherly
kindness, allowed her to end the sentence, though at
each word he seemed ready to interrupt her. " Be
satisfied, my daughter," he said at length, " it shall be
The Popes answer. 439
so no more, none shall be able to wrong you with us
henceforth in the least. It is true that in the process
of information given We found both malice and
folly." Urban faithfully kept his promise, and besides
this, increased twofold his numerous favours to her.
He augmented the pension which, since their schools
were first broken up, he had bestowed on Mary and
her companions, he ordered that a carriage from his
stables should be ever ready for her service, and even
descended to more minute details, ordering her to be
supplied with the same wine which he himself drank,
saying it would suit her. In the illness which again
before long seized Mary, he desired Donna Constanza
to see that she wanted for nothing, his own physician
was to visit her, and she was to have all medicines
and other requisites from his apothecary.
With the knowledge of the full exculpatory decree
which had been passed by the Congregation of the
Holy Office two or three years before, it cannot but
appear strange, at this distance of time, that Mary
Ward should still have been subjected to so long
and continued a series of annoyances and petty per-
secutions, and that the authors of them should be
able to carry them on even through the Holy Office
and the Sovereign Pontiff. It was nothing short of
the silencing word of Urban himself which freed her
from them. The mystery has to remain unsolved, in
default of access to those archives which possess the
papers alone able to clear it up. From the year 1635,
Mary was left in peace.
In November, Mary writes from Rome to Wine-
frid Bedingfield of the message sent through her
440 Ursula Trollins fidelity.
from Maximilian, in answer to her letters. Mary
wonders at it, for it seems the Elector wishes to have
back some of the young English Ladies for the work
she proposed, and she does not as yet consider
them fit. She writes hopefully also of further alter-
ations which time will bring, and again mentions
Ursula Trollin, who was going through a trial to her
constancy of no usual kind. Her Court friends were
tempting her away from the Institute. She had had
the offer through them from one of the inclosed
convents of Munich, of receiving a patent of nobility,
free of any cost to herself, to enable her to enter
there as a choir nun. It may be that Ursula faltered
under the temptation, for Mary writes with great
decision : " Be sure, my dear friend, Ursula is no
more apt for your service, half women are not for
such turns. I lament the reciprocal loss, but of two
ills, experience hath taught what is to be avoided.
God make her happy for ever." But grace conquered.
Ursula remained faithful to the vocation God had
given her, and continued in her humble estate as
a Jungfrau at the Paradeiser Haus to the end of
her life. Mary had become better able to send a
little money to help the necessities which often
pressed there. She adds in this letter, " I send now
no more losings till you say, and then be sure of
them ; but what account shall I have when we meet
of my swarms of bees "i "
There is no exact information as to the time when
the work of education was again taken in hand by
the English Ladies who were at Munich. Schools
of some kind had been going on for two or three
Letter concerning the Munich Schools. 441
years, when Mary wrote of them as above, under the
playful alias she adopted for them. In 1636, she
writes without disguise of the school of the poor,
and with her usual large-heartedness for whatever
concerned the poverty of others :
My dear Winn, — Jesus forbid you should make such
children as you teach pay one penny for windows, wood, or
anything else. For God's love, if you do that work of
charity, do it like yourself, not mercenarily, else, my dear
Winn, follow my poor counsel and let it alone. Vale.
The year 1636 passed apparently with somewhat
less of bodily suffering to Mary than those which
had preceded it. There is little on record as to its
daily events. The last, however, of Mary's notes, as
to her own spiritual state and God's dealings with
her, belongs to this year. The handwriting in which
she notes these down, clear and firm as in her
younger days, may be typical of her spirit, vigorous
and full of courage within, though in body she was
feeble and worn down with illness. The writing is
dated "St. Gregory's day, 1636," a festival ever much
observed by her, as that on which God's will began
to be made known to her. She refers back to
further teachings of His Spirit, which He had vouch-
safed her on three occasions,^ and now receives a
further lesson or insight into the future on each.
I.H.S.
O how well ordered are Thy deeds, my Lord God !
Then Thou saidst that justice was the best disposition,
now Thou showest how such justice is to be gotten.
^ The two first of these are mentioned in her manuscript meditations.
442 A spiritual favou7\
Then Thou saidest what I should do to satisfy for my
sins, now Thou showest where such satisfaction is to be done.
Then Thou showed I should be saved, now the same
with some addition.
Mary gives no explanation of what God showed
her. Perhaps we may believe it was intended in
some way to prepare her for the years of intense
bodily suffering still to come, f'or the "addition,"
may we not think that it was some glimpse of the
eternal reward, the brightness of glory, in which
a favoured soul among her daughters of the house
at Munich records^ that she was permitted to see her,
at the time of the confirmation of the Institute of
Mary by Clement XI. — a glory which she was given
to understand was a recompense of the suffering of
all kinds, corporal and spiritual, which Mary had
with such a loving and faithful heart embraced.
The only letter of this year which further remains,
is one of a few lines in October, on the back of one
from Winefrid Wigmore or Mary Poyntz :
I cannot easily scribble worse than this good woman
hath done, my dear Winn. Be wholly God's, and keep to
your utmost all He hath given yourself or left in your charge.
I do not now answer your loving and good letter of the
22nd of 7ber. I am hindered and betwixt us needs no
more, I may be bold. Vale.
^ In a manuscript in ancient German written by a nun of the
Munich House, of the rank of Jungfrau, upon whom God bestowed
many spiritual gifts, among others that of contemplation, with many
visions and revelations. With regard to these she underwent very
severe tests from her confessor, Father Tobias Lohner, S.J., for nine
years. He would scarcely listen to her at first, but finally desired her
to write down all that had passed between God and her soul.
Projected return to E^igland. 443..
In the letter itself we see the first intimation
of her intention of proceeding to England. She
had been delivered from the annoyances of her
opposers for a twelvemonth, her presence in Rome
was therefore less needed, and her own bettered
health made the opportunity available. The writer
says :
This afternoon unendless visits, but there was no remedy.
I tell you what Phillis says to Ned his comrade, which is
that she will accompany Ned into Turkey [England]. It
sufficeth that comrade know her intention is to go, but,
alas! where are losings'? Besides you cannot imagine the
means the devil useth to hinder, the truth is the devil
would kill her that so he were rid of a mischief
If Mary had really formed any plan to leave
Rome for England, it soon appeared hopeless from
a fearful attack of her old disease, which seized her
in December, 1636. Dr. Buchinger, the Bavarian his-
torian, in writing of Mary Ward's heroic virtues, cannot
forbear expressing his admiration and wonder at one
which he places among them — the manner in which
she not only sustained the continual and agonizing
illnesses which attacked her, but also bore up under
what would have crushed most people, and toiled
and worked more than others would have done in
ordinary health. If illness had been her normal
condition for many years, from the time we are
considering, its attacks and sufferings were doubled.
She seemed but to rise from one mortal seizure to
be attacked by another. The physicians knew not how
she lived, nor did lookers on comprehend why her
life was prolonged, except that Almighty God would
444 Fortitude in illness.
have it so. And yet, in the midst of all, she worked
and lived and toiled and travelled for others, and
was the centre of their joy and happiness. And
not only so, but to all who approached her she
became a skilful consoler in griefs, a source of
strength amidst weakness and trial, a helper in time
of need, ready of access to all, ever bright and serene,
and ever provided with some sweet word of kindness
and sympathy for the most timid or neglected or
unattractive. The attack of illness we have just
mentioned lasted until March 13, 1637. From the
2nd of January Mary never left her bed until the
last-named day, when, the physicians thinking that
sea air might cause her to rally, she was carried to
Nettuno, on the coast not far from Rome, where she
grew better and was able to go to Mass on the feast
of the Annunciation. The Pope, without beinej
asked, sent orders to the Governor of the town to
show her every attention. She recovered so far as
to walk in the woods near the town, and for some
little time after her return to Rome she was more
free from pain.
During this season of severe suffering, another
trial was added to Mary in the illness of Winefrid
Bedingfield, who had been overtaxing her strength.
Mary writes in her own fashion to her from her sick
bed to prevent the evil which she saw was at hand.
Dear Winn, — Yesternight came to visit us a poor man,
but a great servant of God Almighty. I most earnestly
commended to his prayers an absent friend of mine, whom
I greatly feared would incur inconceivable loss by over-
wearing herself. He promised he would, but withal said
The Popes last blessing. 445
that my being humble [perhaps in undergoing all human
means of cure] would be that party's cure, which Jesus
grant, and let this His lesson serve us both. Yours,
Mary Ward.
February 7, 1637.
The illness came notwithstanding, and in May,
Mary writes from Nettuno to thank Mrs. Frances
Brookesby, Winefrid's substitute, for her care of her.
Returning to Rome, she again writes "to her dear
and loved friend, Mrs. Frances Brookesby. I in-
tended the last post to have given you a thousand
thanks for the eighty and odd crowns you sent
hither these weeks past. God will reward you for
them, and much more the loving desire you had to
send and employ them. More I would have said
the last week, but was then very ill and at this
present as bad. June 20, 1637." Such was the
thoughtful aid each afforded the other in the midst of
their own pressing needs.
Mary's convalescence did not last long. The heat
of the summer threw her in July into a most violent
fever, .so extreme that no one thought she would
survive it. In a week's time, that is on the 30th,
she had the last sacraments, and on the same day
Cardinal St. Onofrio, Urban's brother, was the bearer
of the Pope's last blessing, which he delivered with
great feeling, and "condoled," .say her friends and
biographers, " with us on our loss, but recalling him-
self said, 'we were to bless God for having left her
us so many years, until she, by her word and example,
had made others capable of governing us in her
absence.'" Remarkable words, when we recall that
44^ l7itentio7i to go to Spa.
it was Cardinal St. Onofrio who signed the decree for
Mary's imprisonment as a heretic and rebel ! There
was little change in Mary's state for the next ten
days, "only she did live," but she could hardly
breathe, either when awake or asleep, unless con-
stantly fanned. The heat of a Roman summer was
little likely to allow of anything better to one in
Mary's state, exhausted and suffering with previous
illness. She remained thus as if dying until the loth
of August, when having passed the night in great
pain, she told Winefrid Wigmore, who was watching
by her, that she would go to Spa. Winefrid was
amazed and could scarcely believe what she heard,
but her first thought was, that the fever had grown
more violent. Mary, perceiving what she was think-
ing, answered her thoughts and said : " No, I am not
out of myself, but I will go to the Spa, I do not
myself know what God will do by it, but, humanly
speaking, here I must die, there I may recover."
Winefrid replied : " But how for the wherewithal .-* "
" God," answered Mary, " will provide."
While Mary was lying on the verge of eternity,
in the height of her fever, God was calling another
holy soul to Himself, whose loss was most likely
known to her as impending before her attack. This
was her faithful friend of so many long years, Father
John Gerard, who had been faithful to her both in
prosperity and adversity, and whose counsels prob-
ably no one could replace for the future. He died at
the English College at Rome, July 27, 1637, aged
seventy-two. His death is not mentioned in any of
the manuscripts connected with Mary's history, but
Urban s farewell words. 447
we know enough of her, without her own words,
to estimate her grief in parting with such a friend,
even with all her perfect resignation to the Divine
Will.
Mary's opposers were much alarmed when her
intention of leaving Rome was whispered abroad.
They made one endeavour to hinder her journey, by
suggesting to the Pope that she would not survive if
she were allowed to start. Urban took no notice of
their suggestions. His kind heart, indeed, had many
apprehensions as to the results of this long travel-
ling, but his opinion of her sanctity made him leave
her wholly free to follow the suggestions with which
God's Providence inspired her. - Mary asked per-
mission for her two companions, Mary Poyntz and
Winefrid Wigmore, to have an audience with Urban
in her stead before leaving, as she could neither stand
nor walk, to bid him farewell and receive his blessing
on her journey. " These were his exact words on
this occasion," say her biographers. " It is true that,
humanly speaking, the journey must needs kill her,
without hope of escape, but she is a great servant
of God, He will guide her to do what is best, and we
know not what He would do by her. We will give
orders to all our Nuncios,^ where she will pass, to
receive her, where she may stay and rest herself by
the way, when and as long as she will. For we do
esteem her, not only as a woman of great prudence
and of extraordinary courage and powers of mind,
but what is much more, we consider her as a holy
and great servant of God. You who go with her
^ Copies of these letters remain in the Nymphenburg Archives.
44^ Journey through Italy.
obey and serve her, for as long as you do this you
will do well."
On the loth of September, rain having fallen for
some hours, and mercifully tempered the burning
heat, Mary was " taken by force of arms out of her
bed and put into a litter." She went on direct to
Siena, where another violent fever, attended with
pleurisy, attacked her, for which the doctors bled her,
a desperate measure, "her weakness considered," says
Winefrid. In spite of all Mary rallied, and during
the ten days spent in that city, where a gentleman,
Girolamo Manni, and his wife, Isabella Guelfi, made
her their guest. All the nobility of Siena called on
her, and the Archbishop showed her great attention,
writing for her use en route to his brother. General
Picolomini, then in command of the Emperor's army.
Mary's journey through Italy indeed was like the
carefully arranged journey of some princess, who was
received everywhere with open arms, as if it were a
favour she were conferring on every house she entered.
At Florence, she remained twelve days with the
Duke of Northumberland,* whom she had known
well in her youth, her object being to gain further
strength to go on further. At Bologna, she stayed
in the house of a very pious Italian noble, whom
Winefrid calls " her intimate dear friend," who
esteemed himself but too happy to show her hospi-
tality. Passing on thence to Milan, "she did her
^ This was Robert Dudley, grandson of the Duke, who was
attainted for the part he took concerning Lady Jane Grey. By a
strange custom of those times Ferdinard II. and the Grand Duke of
Tuscany gave him some sort of letters patent granting him leave to
resume the title.
Mont Cenis. 449
wonted devotion to St. Charles, ill as she was," and
then was forced to abandon her litter and proceed
in a carriage, on account of the war between Savoy
and Spain. For two years no one had been able
to travel in that direction, but our party experienced
no difficulties. At Vercelli, on seeing her passport,
the Governor gave her the liberty of an English
prisoner.
On Mary's arrival, the Nuncio, Mgr. Caffarelli,
hastened to invite her to his palace, in which he
begged her to remain at rest during the winter.
He would take no denial as to her residing there
during her short stay in Turin, so that she was
forced to yield. The Duchess of Savoy also, though
her husband was lately dead, sent her Master of the
ceremonies and attendants laden with sweetmeats
and other things, and desired to give Mary an audience,
when she received her most kindly The Nuncio
sent her on in his carriage to the foot of Mont Cenis,
whither she started on the 3rd of November, and
on the nth, Mary and her companions crossed the
mountain in chairs, and in a most terrible snow and
wind. Four of the other passengers perished, and the
rest might have been lost but for God's singular mercy.
For on the top, the guides were blinded by the
driving snow and lost their way, and they were
indebted to the instinct of a little dog for recovering
it and reaching their destination. Mary hurried on
to Lyons, where she stopped one day, and then
without further stay travelled to Paris, hoping to
find there her bills of exchange, and to have gone
on direct to Spa. No money was forthcoming, how-
DD 2
450 Mary at Liege.
ever, and friends of whom she hoped to borrow some,
proving inaccessible, she was obliged to stop in Paris,
and finally to remain during the winter, as her old
malady again seized her with violence. For the
means of support, " God provided an unexpected
supply." This winter in Paris, as we shall see, was
at a future day of great profit to her companions.
Not till May, 1638, was Mary sufficiently re-
covered to start afresh for Spa. The Low Countries
and the adjoining parts of France were in a frightful
state from the soldiery engaged in that portion of
Europe in the Thirty Years' War. Mary and her
party were preserved in a wonderful way as they
proceeded by Charleville and Dinant. On her arri-
val at Liege, she wrote to her cousin. Father Thomas
Conyers, S.J. (there stationed to be of use among the
soldiers at Dinant), and to the Benedictine, Father
Bernard Berington. They assured her in reply that
she might esteem the success of that journey as one
among the chiefest graces God had ever done her.
Mary had not argued with such as dissuaded her
from the attempt, but to those who understood the
ways of God she had said, that she found " an
infallible guarantee of safety where her business
called her," and that " she could fear nothing. She
confessed frankly that she did not know what God
would with her at Spa, whether her cure or what,
but thither she ought to go."
While waiting in Liege until the season for Spa
set in, a well known lady of high birth, who was
suffering from cancer, hearing of Mary Ward, and
that she had the knowledge of certain cures for such
Unselfishness. 45 1
diseases, sent to fetch her, and from that moment
attached herself to Mary in a way which left the
latter no quiet moment. She insisted upon her
always being with her, and finally, when Mary went
to Spa, followed her and lodged in the same house,
where the same system recommenced. Mary, with
her usual unselfishness, would not desist from nursing
and aiding her, and finally was the means of pre-
vailing her to receive the last sacraments, which she
persistently refused when in danger of death. She
died at length in a peaceful and edifying manner.
The good which Mary was seeking from the
waters at Spa was most effectually prevented by
this lady's proceedings. When her companions com-
plained of this, she would answer : "So I do what
my Master sent me for, what imports it whether I
recover .'' " As soon as the season at Spa was over
in September, she went to stay close to the Abbey
of Stavelot,* a place to which, from its solitude
amidst rocks and woods, and the devotion of the
inmates, she was much attracted. She thoi,ight that
it would benefit her health. This was, however, a
matter of great doubt to her companions from the
humid climate. She was seized here with one of
her violent illnesses, and was in great danger, but
God restored her without any apparent human means.
Her readiness to suffer, and her peace of mind under
all she endured during this illness, were subjects
of great edification to the religious of the Abbey.
The winter was setting in before IMary was con-
* The well known Royal Benedictine Abbey, of which Ferdinand
•of Bavaria was titular Abbot. It was two miles from Liege.
452 Letters from the Pope.
valescent, and it appears that some opening for new
work was offering itself, for she went at once to
Cologne and thence to Bonn, and had an interview
with her old and faithful friend, Ferdinand of Bavaria,
the Prince Bishop of Li^ge, " about business not to
be put off," returning to Liege in November.
CHAPTER III.
Mary in England.
1638 — 1642.
Mary Ward's intention of revisiting England had
not, as we have seen, been suddenly formed. On her
prolonged journey to Spa she wrote doubtless more
than once to Pope Urban and Cardinal Francesco
Barberini, and on reaching Liege in the summer of
1638, she again wrote on the subject of her visit to
both Urban and the Cardinal. Mary asked the Pope
to give her letters of introduction to Queen Henrietta
Maria, with whom she intended to seek for an
audience concerning her future plans. The answers
to her letters reached her when she was lying
dangerously ill at Stavelot in September, and she had
to await her convalescence before she could write in
reply to the Pope who had commanded his nephew
Cardinal Barberini to write in her favour to the
Queen. To Urban Mary says •?■
* This letter is in Italian. A copy is in the Public Record Office,
London. Rescripts from Barberini Library, Rome, 1882.
Marys Reply. 45,
Prostrate at your sacred feet, I offer, as far as in me
lies, the thanks so justly due to your Holiness for the kind
and paternal affection shown towards me by the most
gracious letter of his Eminence Cardinal Barberini to the
Queen of England in my favour, which I received in my bed
lying in danger of death. I am as yet somewhat too weak
to undertake the journey at this cold season, but directly I
am able I shall put myself on the road to England, where,
with the help of God, I shall speedily accomplish that
which I have to do and return immediately to the place
of my repose. Hoping still to find myself many times at
the sacred feet of your Holiness, whom day and night
I pray that God may preserve to us in health and safety
for many many years.
Maria Bella Guardia.
Liege, gber 19, T638.
Cardinal Barberini, in his letter of August 28,
1638, to Queen Henrietta, writes of Mary Ward as
one " much esteemed in Rome both for her well
known qualities and piety, which will without doubt
cause your Majesty willingly to see and hear her,"
He asks the Queen to " show all the kindness she
can to her and to her company." Mary wrote a
separate letter of thanks to the Cardinal as well as to
Urban before going for a few days to Cologne and
Bonn. There can be little doubt that this visit to
Ferdinand of Bavaria was with reference to a plan
which promised well in the beginning, of obtaining
from him the same protection which his brother the
Elector had granted the English Ladies, by the
permission of the Holy See, and of establishing a
house for educational work in his diocese. Ferdinand
received Mary with the same marks of esteem as of
454 Liege re-visited.
old, and we learn, though in few words, that on
returning to Liege she set the plan on foot, and
quickly arranged all so that, with prudence and care,
the work might go on well in her absence.
Such a plan must have been especially consoling
to Mary's heart. Her two companions felt keenly
what that heart would suffer in revisiting Liege and
Cologne, but they read rightly the noble example
Mary set them of perfection, in the grace of con-
formity to the Will which orders all things well, even
in the midst of confusion and evil. When Mary
journeyed to Rome from these cities seventeen years
before, " she had left," says the manuscript, " two
houses in the first named, and one in the other, well
furnished, and settled with all needful for ours to serve
God in, conform to our vocation, and now found
neither house, nor so much as a bed for herself and
companions to lie in, besides many circumstances
capable to move a heart of stone. Yet was there not
seen in her a sigh or sad looking back, no, nor an
unpeaceful look or word, or least condemnation of the
actors. It sufficed her all was signed by the will
or Providence of God, and therefore no further to be
questioned." Nor had Mary ever had any but feel-
ings of maternal tenderness and sorrow, for those who
among her own children at Liege had hastened on
the fatal blow more surely. " Faults and ingratitudes
could never break the bond between them on her
side, and what her exercise in this particular was,
God only and herself could tell. At the height of
all she said, and with much sweetness, ' Who but I
should suffer, and excuse their faults .'* ' "
Design of new work. 455
Having settled then this little germ of future
work with Mrs. Wyvill and a few others of her old
companions still lingering in Liege, Mary, regardless
of the season and fearless as to consequences to
herself, set ofif in the month of December on her
journey to England. On reaching Antwerp, however,
she was again taken ill and was obliged to remain in
that city, wretchedly lodged, until convalescent. But
before she was recovered news came from Liege, that
those opposed to her designs there, had, upon her
departure, taken measures which had totally dis-
arranged the work she had left, as she thought, on so
secure a foundation. Winefrid remarks on this, that
the devil was ever a coward where Mary personally
was concerned, waiting until her back was turned to
begin his mischiefs. The work was of sufficient
importance in her eyes to cause her to return and
winter in Liege, and we hear of fresh negotiations
with the Prince-Bishop Ferdinand, to whom Mary
Poyntz was sent early in February. There is a letter
addressed to her to Bonn by Mary Ward, in which
she speaks of a journey to Munich which she fears
may be needful for Mary Poyntz to take ere all is
settled. Ferdinand's kindness and desires for such a
house as Mary contemplated may be gathered from
this letter. She, on her side, writes of him with warm
terms of regard, as "that blessed Bishop." If ever
finally set in hand, the work had but a short duration,
for we hear no more of it.^
2 vSome of the property of the English Ladies passed, with certain of
their number, to a foundation of English Sepulchrines, begun after the
Suppression at Liege. The community is now represented by the
456 Mary at St. Omer.
It was the month of May 1639, ^^^ Mary was able
to start again for England. She took a different
route on this occasion and travelled via St. Omer to
Calais. The Painted Life here comes to our assis-
tance, and tells us of two remarkable glimpses of the
future, given by God to encourage and console His
servant, who was again revisiting the scenes of former
prosperity and promising work, now, in the eyes of
men irretrievably destroyed, as if never to revive.
One of these regarded her Institute, the other herself
personally.
The forty-ninth picture tells us that at St. Omer
God showed to her a distinguished, but to her un-
known, person, in episcopal dress, with the knowledge
that this Bishop was indeed a stranger, but that he
should be a friend to the Institute. It will be seen
how, at a later time, this prevision was fulfilled. We
must be content to wait for the light of the Eternal
Day to verify the second revelation concerning Mary
herself. It is thus told, "God manifested visibly to
Mary, when at St. Omer, a great glory, and spoke
thus to her, 'Be unwearied, thou art shortly to die,
and thy reward shall be great' " We shall no longer
wonder in finding what Mary ventured, and proposed
to venture, in England.
We are told by one of her biographers that she
wrote many letters before she embarked, and wept
abundantly while thus employed. We may but form
Sepulchrines of New Hall, who came over to England at the time of
the French Revolution. Another portion of the property of the
English Virgins is still employed by the city for the education of
hildreii by Benedictine nuns.
Arrival in London. 457
a guess at the source of tears so rarely given place to
by Mary Ward. We may be sure that if anything
personal were the cause, it could be but the deep
inward sorrow inflicted by the foreboding that she
should never again meet on earth those whom she
was addressing. But perhaps it is more in keeping
with all we know of her, to believe that her mind
was filled with the miseries and woes of her own
unhappy country, which she was now on the point of
revisiting, and to which she would naturally turn in
writing to those she was leaving. She reached
London safely through all difiSculties on the 20th
of May, where, says the manuscript, " her arrival
produced a variety of emotions in the numerous
Catholics of the city, some mistrustful and suspi-
cious, others astonished and wondering, and the rest,
her true friends, ravished with joy, and glorifying
God for the great mercies shown to His servant, to the
confusion of those who had done her injustice." Mary
found here the full confirmation of what she had been
told in Flanders, that the latter, her "good friends,"
had been so bold as to make it pass for an undoubted
truth that she was kept a prisoner at Rome and
condemned to spend the rest of her life in the
Inquisition. The author of this report was, as they
heard in Liege, a religious and a priest. Nothing
short of her presence in England could have
nullified the credit given to it, so freely was it circu-
lated and believed.
The joy of Mary's companions whom she found in
England may well be understood. It is probable
that they had some small habitation of their own as
45 8 The new household.
their head-quarters, while some of them were scattered
about in different places, for various individual works.
Her return was a note to call them all together.
Among them we know was Frances Bedingfield,
who had been sent to the post of danger from Rome,
soon after taking her vows. Another member of the
new household deserves also to be shortly mentioned
here — Isabella Layton, a convert to the faith, the
only daughter of a rich London merchant who had
died of the plague. She chose rather to lose her
whole inheritance than to give up her faith, and took
refuge with the English Ladies, offering to work as
a lay-sister for her bread. Her fervour and devotion
were remarkable. She would in difficult times go
out and beg for food and money for the support of the
community, and visit and relieve those in prison for
their religion at any risk to herself. She would also
carry heavy loads through the streets, regardless of
her birth and former condition, when thus employed.
Her future life was one full of good works and im-
portant services to the rising Institute.
Mary at once settled herself in a house in
London which, in the absence of direct informa-
tion, may in all probability have been in the
neighbourhood of the French Ambassador's or of
Somerset House, the Queen's Dower-House. The
chapels in both were safe havens of devotion for all
Catholics where they could join in the duties and
privileges of religion without fear of interruption.
The house may have been in St. Martin's Lane, where
the English Ladies are known subsequently to have
resided, then almost surrounded by fields, quiet and
State of England. 459
secluded, or perhaps in some more frequented situa-
tion,, so as to excite less remark. At the time of
Mary's arrival in England, the country had not yet
become a prey to the anarchy and misrule which it
subsequently had to undergo. If the seeds of re-
bellion and disloyalty were already lurking in secret
in men's minds, the events which called them into
outward action had not yet taken place. The Xing'
was absent on his unfortunate Scottish campaign ta
force Protestant Episcopacy upon the Covenanters
— the true beginning, as it proved, of the future
civil war. The arrival of the Queen's mother, Marie
de Medicis, with her attendants in the preceding
year, and the establishment of another Catholic
Royal chapel had, however, irritated Protestant minds
still further against Catholics. The persecution
of priests, and the visits of pursuivants, with the
system of fines and other persecuting enact-
ments, went on as fiercely as ever. Still there was
nothing apparent on the surface, in the political
state of the country, to prevent Mary from taking
up plans which she had cherished when residing
in England many years previously.
Mary, as usual, had an attack of illness on
reaching the end of her journey. Directly she was
convalescent she hastened to obtain an audience of
Henrietta Maria, and to present the letter Pope
Urban had sent her. There is no account of the
interview, beyond a short notice of the Queen's
kindness and affability in receiving and listening to
Mary, and expressing her willingness to help her. It
was probably through others whom the Queen would
460 AiLclience with the Qtieen.
influence, rather than by any power in Henrietta's own
hands, that Mary hoped to obtain assistance for her
plans. She writes to tell Cardinal Barberini of her
audience on June 28, and speaks hopefully as to the
future of the Catholic faith. In this letter she
mentions the Rev. George Con^ as of great service to
the cause, and much esteemed by both Catholics and
Protestants. The Cardinal in reply tells Mary that
he wrote the same evening to Mr. Con, requesting
him to assist her in every way in his power.
Count Rosetti, who had been sent by the Holy
See as Nuncio to Henrietta Maria, with the especial
view of affording consolation both to her and to the
afflicted and oppressed Catholics, had only arrived in
England a short time before Mary Ward. Pope
Urban, unasked, had written special injunctions to
him to do everything in his power to assist and protect
her. Urban also commanded Cardinal Francesco Bar-
berini and Donna Constanza to write to the Count
to the same effect. He therefore hastened to visit
Mary, urged on also by his own desire of seeing one
of whose remarkable qualities and sanctity he had
heard so much. Mary's companions do not tell us
the remarks he made to them after his first interview,
but they say enough in adding, "and seeing her he
was satisfied."
Mary's house, wherever it was situated, quickly
became an object of attraction to Catholic visitors of
^ A Scotch ecclesiastic, much in favour with the Queen, a friend of
the Capuchins who served her chapel. He was a regular corres-
pondent with the authorities at Rome, and was likely to be elevated
to the purple. He kept an open chapel in London for Catholic
worship beautifully adorned and fitted. He died in 1640.
Love of Poverty. 461
every description, all desirous to see and conv^erse
with her. Numbers came from curiosity to become
acquainted with one so much spoken of. Others, her
real friends, could never feel they had been with her
long enough, and would return again and again to
enjoy still more of her society, of which they had so
long been deprived. And thus it was, that in spite of
her intention to return quickly to Rome, Mary's days,
after her recovery from illness, when she first came to
England, were engrossed, and her feeble frame worn
out, leaving her neither time nor strength for carrying
out her plans. Many of those who visited her were
high in rank about the court, and even Protestants,
who would be keen enough to remark on all they saw.
Mary made no distinction with any. Though, to
avoid the remarks of suspicious spies, she and her
companions lived together as if they were an
ordinary family of respectable position, she herself
departed not from the love of poverty as to her own
person. Poverty, it was said of her, was the treasure
of her heart, but the ornament of her garments.
Mary herself said of this virtue, " that it was to be
entertained, not like a beggar, but like a queen."
Mary Poyntz, in telling this,"* adds, " which God did
so bless in her person, that although what she wore
was of mean price and worn so long, as it was not
possible to hang longer on one's back, yet had such
a grace on her, that others have wondered what
rarity and curiosity she had in her dressings, some
saying, she went [was dressed] above her degree, till
* Manuscript Conference of Mary Poyntz with the English Ladies,
1662 — 1667.
462 Work of Education.
viewing and examining found all old and poor and
mean and well patched." She had, immediately she
took possession of her dwelling, set apart a room for
a chapel with everything fitting for Divine Service.
It was here she spent all the money she could muster,
arranging and adorning it with all the taste and
beauty she could command. Holy Mass was daily
said there, and the house was frequented by priests
both secular and religious, often several at a time,
who received shelter and hospitality. These came of
course in disguise, but the Nuncio Rosetti, being well
known to every one, attempted no concealment, and
was a constant and welcome visitor.
No sooner was it known that Mary Ward was
intending to make some stay in England, than
many of her friends and acquaintances immediately
entreated her to receive their daughters, as she had
done before, to train and educate them. Among them
were many of high birth and position. But Mary,
whose kind heart ever yearned over the difficulties of
the poor and the needy, in spite of her poverty, added
out of her own charity others to their number, who
were unable to pay anything for their board and
other expenses, " so that, notwithstanding the danger
of the times, she kept a great family." With all her
love of poverty, "she knew well how to unite religious
frugaHty with magnificent liberality," and would say,
" that in the government but of a reasonable family
£,\<X) a year might be imperceptibly spared or spent."
So much did this virtue in its true exercise shine in
her, that " it made even those respect her for it, who
knew not its real value." There is a little note of
Letter to a Parent. 463
Mary's preserved, written to cheer the heart of some
fond parent, who had left his child, perhaps an only
one, under her care, with whom he had parted in
those dangerous days with an aching heart.
My dearest, — Give your noble cousin a thousand good
nights from me, tell him I was even anxious this evening to
have had some fine garden flowers or such trifles to have
recreated him with, and failing of all such commodities, I
offered up to God my poor prayers for his health and happi-
ness. Beg him to be merry and look upon my grandchild's
lock [of hair]. How I shall love his little daughter !
Almighty God blessed this educational work
greatly, and as if to show His especial favour to His
servant in thus undertaking it with all its risks, He
gave her two remarkable vocations from among these
little ones whom she had gathered around her. Their
future was indeed to be as different as that of others,
starting on their religious course on the same day,
whom we have before noticed, but their calling in
these two cases bore the same unusual features and
likeness to each other. Both were children of about
nine years old, brought by their relations to see Mary
as being an old and cherished friend, but not appar-
ently with any purpose of leaving them with her.
Helena Catesby, a great niece of Robert Catesby
who was concerned in the Gunpowder Plot, was,
through her mother, related to Mary, and had
already several more distant connections among the
first members of the Institute.. Being brought
to Mary's house, the child had no sooner looked
at her than she exclaimed, " this is my mother
464 Two Vocations.
whom I will never more leave." Nor would any
persuasions induce her to go away. At last, tired out,
she fell asleep and they took her home, but no
sooner did she wake, than she cried out that she must
go back to her mother, nor did she give her friends
any peace until she was taken again to Mary's house,
where she remained. At the early age of eleven she
made a vow of chastity. She finally entered the new
Institute, founded a noble work which still flourishes, to
be mentioned later on. and after living a life of
exalted holiness, died in 1701, aged seventy.
The other young aspirant for a devoted life was
the grand-daughter of another of the sufferers in the
Gunpowder Plot, Elisabeth Rookwood,*" a daughter of
Sir Robert Rookvvood of Coldham. She also had
no sooner seen Mary than she began to cry out
that she would have no more to do with the world,
but would belong to Mary and live as she lived, and
that she wished to be with the Sisters and be brought
up by them. At eleven years old she made the vow
of chastity, and persuaded another youthful companion
to do the same, telling her that "her beloved Jesus
was worth more than a thousand worlds." Nor was
her devotion in words only. Being naturally of an
unrestrained, self-willed disposition, she learned to
curb and master herself on all occasions. Her stay
in this world was short. The beautiful young life had
been freely dedicated to God, and He accepted the
' Her birth is thus entered in an old register belonging to the
Rookwood-Gage family. " Wensdaye, Elisabeth, third daughter, borne
the 15 of June 1631, being St. Vitus, Modest, and Crescentia, of
Robert Rokewode and Mary his wife" (Nichols, Collectanea^ yoI. ii.
p. 144).
Pursuivants visits. 465
holocaust to the full. When fourteen she was seized
with a violent fever. She resigned herself to die
in perfect peace, but entreated earnestly to be
allowed to make the other two vows of religion and
to be received as a member among Mary's children.
She persevered in her request, which was finally
granted, and shortly afterwards expired.
We have been looking hitherto at the peaceful
side of Mary's residence in London. There was one
drawback, in the midst of so much that was bright
and promising, which must have kept the inmates of
her dwelling more or less in continual anxiety. Mary's
large household, and the numbers of Catholics who
came to and fro, could not long remain unobserved.
Doubtless it soon became well known that priests
were constantly among the visitors, and though the
freedom with which Count Rosetti frequented the
house, and the numerous visits of others also whose
faith was equally notorious, the belief spread abroad
that Mary was under some powerful protection which
made her thus fearless. Yet after a time the pursui-
vants began to make their searches. These searches
increased finally to such an extent that no time of
day was secure from them, and at length sometimes
there were as many as four within twenty-four hours.
And here the protecting hand of Almighty God was
visibly interposed in behalf of His servant. For it
was remarked, that however rough and exacting these
pursuivants and their motley set of attendants might
be, and pertinacious in examining the house, Mary's
room was like a sanctuary to them, which they never
would enter. Or if by accident one of them set their
EE 2
466 Letter to Rome.
foot in it, he hastened to withdraw, humbly asking
pardon for having come in. " And this not once, but
always, whether the searchers were pursuivants or
soldiers." So markedly did this happen, that the
writer of the manuscript ponders in astonishment
upon the cause, and acknowledges that she can only
look upon such a remarkable interposition of Provi-
dence as being a reward of Mary's unwavering faith
and confidence in God, and blind submission to all
His dealings.
Mary never lost sight of her plans for work in
behalf of the Catholic faith, during the constant
interruptions of her stay in London. Her intercourse
with influential Catholics, and with the priests and
religious who came to visit her, gave her good oppor-
tunity to broach them, and to feel her way in begin-
ning them. She wrote constantly to Rome. There is
a letter of hers written in lemon-juice to one of her
companions there on a large round piece of paper,
which, to prevent suspicion, has on the other side in
ink, " This is the full measure of the embroidery,
may be a straw-breadth less, and if done by Christmas
will serve." This letter gives an insight as to the
largeness of her desires. It would appear to be of
the summer or autumn of the year 1639, though the
date is gone.
God knows if what I write will be to be read. Seek
occasion to speak well of Count Rosetti, so as the same
may come to the ear of great ones, but always so as what
said may seem a mere narration of the truth, not to vaunt,
or done on purpose. But let all said be founded and very
good things, and the sooner this is done the better, and
Treatment of English Visitors. 467
would do singular good for my occasions here. He is of late
extremely kind and complaisant. Did yesterday when he
was here entreat we would write of his proceedings, seeming
as if what ours there say were of great authority with the
princes. Study how to do this quickly, substantially, and
so as may be heard to his benefit, and conie again to
his knowledge. His favouring our affairs, and we his, in all
that is true and just, would do more good than can easily
be imagined, what, and to whom by another's hand. Use
Mr. Con's nephew very kindly, Mr. Penrick with extraordi-
nary courtesy, for by him we shall do much hereafter. He
is Father Philip, the Queen her confessor, his right hand,
and one. the Queen confides in much.
Mrs. Porter '^ took so well your pains in getting the
picture, as that she would have you know, she keeps a good
will to send you some graces or such like hereafter. She
instantly desires you would inquire of Mr. Penrick, as of
yourself, saying you have heard that he showed the picture
of an English lady to some Italian dame, who was much
pleased, and did greatly admire the beauty of it. Draw
from him whom he showed it to and most precisely what was
said, for that she dies to hear, for she is very handsome.
Now to what above all imports, and the chief cause I write
these. My meaning is to endeavour by prayer and private
negotiation that we may have common schools in the great
City of London, which will never be without a miracle, but
all else will be to little purpose, the ungrateful nature of
this people considered. Much might be said, which here I
® Perhaps the wife of Endymion Porter who held some place about
the Court. Their letters are well known, as a specimen of amusing
conjugal correspondence, to the readers of epistolary literature of the
seventeenth century. Mrs. Porter was a beauty of the time, and both
of them were Protestants. Mary's desire to gratify her shows how
careful she was to neglect no one to whom she could either be of use,
or who had any power to advance or hinder the work she had on
hand.
468 Pi'eparations for Schools.
cannot say, but if so, some must come. Kate^ I have deter-
mined, think you who else. Tell my cousin, Elisabeth
[Babthorpe], I mean. Think both, and from the hour you
read these, commend the best success to God, and seek to
provide samplers [vestments and other things for the altar],
patterns of all that is good and rare, and can be had without
too much cost, though money were well bestowed if one
had it. Without samplers we shall do nothing, and here are
none to be had, nor must we seek them of any here. Also
plays [books of religious instruction and devotion], all that is
there, or can be had without notice or the least suspecting,
also meditations, all which may come when these come
thence. Think of and provide all, all fit for or to be
admired in adorning of the church, quarant' hours, shows
[processions], representations [expositions], or what may be
holy and admired in this place. For if done it must be so
performed as better cannot be, and may serve to prevail
against the backbiters and the scornful, who with scorn
would hinder the will and endeavours for greatest good of
this poor country. I fear of speaking all, but do you treat
of all, even what you have in black \i.e. ink] hereafter. I
will write in the margin of others. Let Kate perfect her
Latin with all possible care, without loss of health, also to
write Italian. Clara will yet be for this place, she hath no
untoward aunts and other friends.
Such Catholic schools as Mary contemplated
would indeed have been a " miracle " in the days she
wrote ! Who but she would have dared to set about
organizing them, or have hoped for their living
through even an ephemeral life ! But of danger and
risk she had no dread, and for the rest she looked
to One Who could carry through the most difficult
^ Probably Catharine Dawson, subsequently the third General
Superioress after Mary Ward.
Rosetti leaves England. 469
attempt, and in so doing reward the self-forgetful
generosity of His servants. Mary's bright hopes for
the future were, however, quickly overclouded. The
chastisements which God had prepared for England
for the abandonment of the faith were at hand, and
the English people were to taste even to loathing the
results of embracing the self-made religion which
they had chosen. Event after event hurried on. The
victory by the Scottish army, the calling of the Long
Parliament, Strafford's death-warrant signed by the
King, Charles' futile attempt to arrest the seditious
members of the House of Commons, and his final
determination to resort to force by taking up arms,
became but additional incitements to fresh measures
of violence against Catholics, who were ever on the
side of loyalty. Count Rosetti^ at length became an
object of attack. He was summoned before the
House, and only escaped, when messengers arrived to
bring him there, by leaving his dwelling secretly, and
taking refuge at the French Ambassador's. The
Queen, in anxiety for his personal safety, was urgent
for his departure from the country, and the Parlia-
ment, pacified by this concession, permitted him to
leave England, with public marks of honour from the
principal Catholics. This took place in one of the
first months of 1642.
Meantime Mary had seen the prospect darkening.
As early as the autumn of 1640, she had thought of
returning to Rome until public afi"airs were more
settled. But a violent illness of more than three
* Mr. Bliss's Rescripts from the Bar berini Library, Rome, P.R.O.,
Rosetti Correspondence.
470 Letter to Pope Urban.
months intervened. When recovering, she wrote the
following letter to the Pope •}
How much greater consolation would it be to me to
find myself now at your sacred feet, than here in my own
country among my relations ! A severe illness of nearly
three months, which still oppresses me, prevented me, much
against my wish, from leaving this in the autumn. But in
spring, ill or well, if God gives me life, I shall not fail to
set off on my journey to Rome, where the presence and
protection of my supreme Father and exalted Patron will
make me truly happy. And one day, at those sacred feet, I
trust some grace may be granted to me, which until now my
sins have not made me worthy to obtain. Nevertheless, I
will never abuse such great kindness by importuning for
anything which does or might displease you. Most humbly
entreating pardon for my present boldness, prostrate I kiss-
the sacred feet of your Holiness.
Maria dell a Guardia.
London, February 14, 1640 — 41.
Mary's filial tone of trustful confident affection
towards the Pope in this letter shows the terms of
friendship with which Urban regarded her. Who
can doubt what the grace was for which, at a future
day, she meant to petition, and for which she thus
breaks the ground beforehand .■* The peaceful wel-
come she had received in England from all parties,
the ready intercourse of priests, both secular and
religious, the absence of anything like opposition, the
work for souls by the education of the young, which
flowed into her hands unasked, the general disposi-
tion of English Catholics in her favour, all led her to-
9 P.R.O., Barberini Rescripts, 1882.
Lo?^d Montagues suit at Ro7ne. ^yi
look forward to the day when she might lay before
the Pontiff in detail the work and plan of the new
Institute, and ask him for that public sanction and
toleration which Paul V. had formerly granted her,
and which privately Urban, by his acts towards her
since the suppression, might possibly have led her
to hope for. Mary had no concealments with Urban,
and she well knew also that a thousand eyes were on
her and her proceedings, and that the Holy See was
fully as well acquainted with all as she was herself.
This knowledge justly increased her hope and her
confidence. She wrote to Cardinal Barberini at the
same time, and after thanking him " for all his favours
shown to herself and hers in that city " [London],
she recommends to him Lord Montague, as a fitting
aspirant to the purple in the place of Mr. George
Con, who was dead, as one much regarded by the
nobility and other Catholics. This recommendation
shows not only that Mary was aware that she held
a position in Rome enabling her to make such a
request, but that the English Catholics were also
aware of it, so much as to induce Lord Montague
to ask her to use her interest in his favour.
Mary's intentions of going back to Rome were
soon frustrated by public events. We have seen how
they affected her household by the frequency of the
visits of pursuivants. The feeling against Catholics
increased in two-fold measure, and the impossi-
bility of private individuals leaving England for the
Continent, an act forbidden by law, became plain.
Early in the year 1642, Henrietta Maria went to
Holland, ostensibly to take her daughter Elisabeth
472 Preparations for leaving London.
to be married to the Palatine, in reality to obtain
military stores and ammunition for her husband.
After her departure Charles went northwards, and his
going was the signal for all the Royalists who could
leave London to follow him, and with them the
Catholics, who found a ready welcome in Yorkshire,
where the adherents of the true faith abounded.
London became no longer a safe place for Mary's
numerous and now noted household. She knew well
that God looks for the exercise of a fitting human
prudence in His children, as much as an unbounded
trust in His Providence. She therefore determined
to go into Yorkshire, into some retired spot, where
the work of education for the children entrusted to
her could be safely carried on, and where her chapel
would be a boon to the poor Catholic neighbours
around her, with little fear of molestation.
Before starting she wrote the last letter which
has been preserved in her own handwriting. It is
addressed to " Signora Elisabeth Chesia \Anglice
Keyes], Roma."
My dearest Elisabeth, — I have not time nor force to
write all that is to say. God knows all is in confusion with
these importune and lasting visits. To-morrow we go hence.
I cannot descend to particulars of my health, but it will
please you and all your family, that I think and say that I
hope to live and see and serve you again for some time.
God knows how long. I have this while alone, the Arch-
priest [probably the priest invested with some superior
authority by Bishop Smith, who was then living in France]
with the rest are at dinner. I am ill, but this is my worst
day. Comfort and help Corado with Donna Constanza,
Journey 7tortkwards. 473
and by all other ways you can. Beg his prayers for poor me.
Say, when you find the occasion, that the preti [priests] they
come in troops. I must end. To all mine and yours more
than I can say, yet I would have said something to them.
Vale.
M. Ward.
Thursday.
CHAPTER IV.
In Yorkshire once more,
1642— 1644.
The removal of a household such as Mary Ward's
from a house in London could not be effected without
great risk and even danger, in the agitated, restless
state into which men's minds were now thrown by
the growing rebellion against the King. With pur-
suivants close at hand to inspect everything, and
spies ready to carry evil reports which might have
barred their departure at any moment, it was a
marvel how Mary and her large family escaped and
started safely on their road northwards. Experience
of former days in England had taught her, that it
was far safer to "show a bold front to the enemy,"
and rather to assume an air of importance and
dignity, which would awe and keep at a distance
the mean crowd of informers and searchers, than
to travel, as was her habit, and as she loved, in the
poorest way which would take her to her journey's
end. Her company consisted therefore of three
474 Visit to Ripon,
"coaches," as they were then called, large, roomy,
lumbering vehicles, which held a goodly party of
children and of Mary's companions, and four horse-
men, one of whom was probably Robert Wright, who
attended Mary to England, and another a priest, well
disguised, who accompanied them. They carried
with them, among their luggage, "church stuff" and
all that was needful for the father to say Mass on
the way. No difficulties presented themselves of any
kind, which those acquainted with the internal state
of England at that time, especially where Catholics
were concerned, may well esteem as all but mira-
culous.
They left London on May i, 1642. No account
is left of the journey, but from the length of time
spent on the road, they probably stopped at any
friends' houses which lay in their way. We know from
Winefrid Wigmore in one of the first pages of her
manuscript, that they directed their course to Ripon
and the neighbourhood of Mary's old home. The
state of the East Riding, then the prey to the first
open warfare between the Parliamentarians and the
Royalists, where sometimes one side had the mastery,
sometimes the other, made this proceeding necessary,
besides the other considerations which pressed upon
her. Mary had to seek for some dwelling where
she could safely shelter the numerous household she
had brought from London, and among her own
connections she hoped to obtain one which would
be suitable. She probably had in her eye the old
mansion where they were finally domiciled at Hutton
Rudby, which possessed all the qualifications which
Ripley and Studley Royal. 475
she desired, and which belonged to the heirs of her
cousin, John Ingleby, whose wife was one of the
Babthorpes, with whom she had hved in her
youth.
Mary was received with open arms by her re-
latives. Her own nearest of kin had indeed long left
Yorkshire as we know, but her cousins at Ripley
Castle and Studley Royal gave her a warm reception.
Sir William Ingleby and Sir John Mallory^ were
both staunch Catholics and partisans of the King.
Besides their relationship they were old friends of
Mary's girlhood. We can well believe that she spent
many peaceful days in visiting her old haunts among
the beautiful woods and pleasure grounds at Ripley,
fraught as they must have been to her with memories
of the past — of those near and dear to her passed
away, as well as of that life of her soul with God,
the first dawning of years of a far more perfect
knowledge of Him, filled with wonderful experiences
of His marvellous love and goodness as shown
towards herself. She must have been as much at
home also at Studley Royal, and we can picture
her among the beautiful yet mournful ruins of
Fountains Abbey, which her ancestors had helped
to endow, where every stone would be familiar to
her, kneeling at the tombs of the abbots and praying
^ Sir W. Ingleby was made a Baronet by Charles I. in 1642. He
was a volunteer at the fatal battle of Marston Moor, and Ripley Castle
was besieged and gallantly defended after the battle, in common with
all the Yorkshire strongholds, and its • defences destroyed. Sir John
Mallory is called "a glorious sufferer for loyalty." A few months after
Mary's visit, he made a raid against a detachment of Parliamentarians
with his own retainers from Studley alone.
47 6 Mary at New by.
for the time when England should repair the grievous
wrongs she had done, and like glorious edifices should
rise once more to the honour of God and our Lady,
where prayer and praise and deeds of love should
dwell in like way.
We know besides, that Mary was at Newby,
her father's ancient property, and at Babthorpe,
another of her childish homes. Both had^ passed
into the hands of strangers. How must she have
lingered in each, where the past would be so
vividly brought back to her ! At Babthorpe, she
said herself, that every room and nook and corner
recalled to her some saint whom she had venerated,
or some prayer which had habitually risen silently
up as she went in and out on her daily avocations.
At Newby, her father's old retainers, and at each of
the other houses, those of the respective families, who
had known her in their own youth, crowded about
her and vied with one another in tales of the sweet-
ness and attractiveness which had drawn all around
her as a child. Even little gifts which she had made
to them were still treasured, as remembrances of one
whom they never expected to see again. There was
one of Mary's party, who must not be passed by
unnoticed in this visit to Yorkshire, who was return-
ing to the neighbourhood of his paternal home, some-
thing in the fashion of St. Alexius, the beggar,
unknown and, if not in beggary, in the abject state
of servitude. This was the saintly Robert Wright,
Mary's faithful attendant. The Wrights of Plough-
land Hall were his near relations, and his sister's
husband was a man of some distinction. Yet Robert
Arrival at Hut ton Rtidby. 477
made no attempt to be recognized or to take his
place among them, and he left England with the
English Ladies some years after Mary's death, in the
same menial condition in which, for the love of God,
he had served her during her lifetime.
Mary succeeded in obtaining the loan of the old
house at Hutton Rudby from the Inglebys, or it may
be from Sir Thomas Gascoigne, whose mother was
John Ingleby's daughter and heir, and, after some
weeks spent in the various visits we have described,
she proceeded with her large party northwards into
Cleveland. This part of Yorkshire was, in the days
of which we write, exceedingly secluded and retired.
Few but poor people lived in the neighbourhood of
Hutton Rudby, the distance being considerable from
any large town. The house itself had formerly be-
longed to the ancient Carthusian monastery of Mount
Grace, which was not very far off, being probably
one of the farmhouses which had formed part of the
endowment ever since its foundation. No situation
could be more agreeable to Mary Ward. The neigh-
bourhood of an ancient place of pilgrimage was in
itself a recommendation, and the beauty and solitude
of the place were, in both respects, all she could
desire.
She reached the place with her household on the
Exaltation of the Holy Cross, the 14th of September,
and at once selected a fitting room for a chapel, and,
a priest being with them, the Blessed Sacrament was
placed in the tabernacle, and a lamp was kept con-
tinually burning before It. The altar and chapel
■were well adorned, and the poor Catholics, who soon
47^ Marys Companions.
assembled from various villages round, were full of
devotion and consolation in possessing a privilege
of which they had so long been deprived. The
"three coachfulls" which Mary had brought from
London filled the house. Except Mary's two special
companions, Mary Poyntz and Winefrid, there is but
little clue to the names of the other Sisters who
accompanied them to carry on the work of educa-
tion. Catharine Smith has been named. It seems
not unlikely that Frances Bedingfield was one of
the household, for she appears to have been well
acquainted with Mary's manner of travelling. This
could hardly have been unless she had taken a
journey with her. Her personal love and veneration
for Mary too were deeper than the short time
spent with her at Rome would lead us to expect,
when Mary was so frequently ill or absent or im-
mersed in business. This may have been, there-
fore, the occasion of Frances' first introduction to
Sir Thomas Gascoigne, an introduction which led to
great things in after days. Some of the English
Ladies were still in London, though probably in a
smaller and less conspicuous house than when Mary
was there, and with them Mary kept up correspon-
dence, as well as the unsettled state of the country
permitted.
Mary's ordinary state of health was at this time
one of continued suffering, and her strength feeble.
In October she again fell alarmingly ill and was in
great danger. Her companions expected her death,
but as a last hope, made a pilgrimage to Mount
Grace, already mentioned. This had been a famous
Pilgrimage to Mount Grace. 479
pilgrimage from unknown times.^ The shrine of our
Lady, who was venerated under the title of Mater
Gratics, was not in the Carthusian monastery, but
in a small chapel built on the summit of a steep
bare hill, which rose out of thick woods extending
from the valley in which the Chartreuse stood. A
cell was attached to it for the priest who acted as
chaplain to the numerous pilgrims. The chapel is
still standing, and perhaps not very much changed
in its aspect from the description of it given by
Winefrid in her manuscript. She speaks of it as
" a place to this day of great devotion, and where
many graces are granted, though so destroyed and
defaced, as only the bare four walls remain without
roof or cover, and in regard of the great height of
the hill on which it stands, exposed to very great
winds. Yet you will find Catholics praying there for
hours together." Mary recovered, and as a thank-
offering, she herself, when her illness had sufficiently
abated, undertook the pilgrimage with great devo-
tion, toilsome as it must have been for one so feeble
and exhausted in body.
Months passed away in great peace in the old
monastic house at Hutton Rudby. It was an
immense consolation to Mary to be the means of
affording the privileges of religion to her poorer
neighbours. No crowd of insolent searchers invaded
^ As late as the year 1614, a proclamation was published denounc-
ing this pilgrimage, which speaks of the people assembling by night
and coming from a distance there, and of the "Popish ceremonies"
performed, especially on our Lady's feasts. The monastery ruins,
which still remain, consist of the walls of the church and fourteen cells
and other buildings.
480 Expected search.
the solitude of the inmates, and only the rumours
and tales of the fighting, which was carried on
warmly on the other side of the county, reached their
ears. . At length, however, they began to hear of
raids of small parties of the Parliamentarians who,
after successes on their side, were sent to seek for
arms, and to plunder house after house of the
Royalists in their neighbourhood, and especially any
whose owners were Catholics. Many times the report
was brought to them that their dwelling was to be
the next, and as often they heard of the troopers
being within a mile or two, and that then some acci-
dent made them turn back. At last it was said,
that forty fierce "dragoners" had been picked out
expressly for this service, with their captain.
The neighbours, both Catholic and Protestant,
condoled with Mary and her family on the prospect
before them. "All," in the house, with the excep-
tion of Mary herself, says the manuscript, " were
in a great terror on hearing, one Saturday afternoon,
that they had arrived at the village [Osmotherley]
near us. She called us all to our prayers," but
none of the dreaded visitors appeared until eight in
the evening, when one soldier came and asked for
some oats for his horse. The whole household,
except Mary, who was very ill, sat up all night, and
finally, in the morning the captain of the troop pre-
sented himself, when Mary sent down to meet him
most courteously at the hall-door. He said that he
was told there were trunks of gold, armour, and what
not, buried in the house : to which they answered
in a few simple words, that such information had
Love of the Poor. 481
been given of ill-will. He replied that there were
some indeed who might do this, but that generally
they were well beloved. He gave up the search,
however, and parted from the ladies very kindly,
having received twenty shillings. He rode back
in a ^&\\ minutes and returned them, saying the
soldiers would only spend them in drink. So ended
the alarm of the little household at Hutton Rudby,
who attributed their escape to the merits of the
holy lady who was among them, whose "humble,
peaceful confidence and cheerfulness," at a time
threatening consequences of so serious a nature,
called forth the admiration and veneration of all,
and is noted especially by Winefrid.
The report of the captain of the troopers con-
cerning Mary and her companions, that they were
" well beloved " among the people, was probably a
very true one. They were surrounded by a poor
population, and Mary's devotion to any who were
in distress or destitution would be sure to have
found ample opportunity of manifesting itself She
loved to talk with the poor and to serve them
with her own hands, which she would do as
if it were an honour to be so employed. When
they were to have food given them, she would
never allow two sorts to be put on the same
plate, and whatever vessel was used was to be
perfectly clean. Nor would she permit any but
kind words in speaking to them, whoever they
were. She never refused what they asked of her,
and would borrow or beg for them rather than do
so. If she could do no more, she gave as much as
FF 2
482 Attacks repelled.
she had of whatever kind. Who can wonder that
they loved her !
Not long after the troopers' expected visit, Mary
planned a system of defence against such inroads in
her own way, which she at once set on foot. She
called all the household together, including a lady
" who lived at the other end of the house," perhaps
qne of the Gascoigne family, telling them that she
designed they should all meet daily to honour the
nine choirs of angels, by saying a Pater and ten Aves
in honour of each choir, and afterwards the Litany
of the Saints and Angels. This devotion was never
afterwards omitted. It was spread also among many
other people, who said they always experienced
sensible help and consolation from the practice.
Mary had indeed a great and special devotion to the
Holy Angels. She every day said some prayer to
the three Archangels, and besides to twenty-eight
Angel Guardians severally, as well as to her own
and those of the Pope and others in authority. She
had, we hear, been favoured more than once with
the sight of one of these glorious spirits, in all his
splendour and unearthly beauty, in the act of per-
forming the duty allotted to him by His Maker.
Nor did . she ever forget the lesson so granted her
of great trust and confidence in their power and
kindness to men.
Mary had found one great inconvenience since
her residence in Hutton Rudby, resulting from its
secluded position. This was with regard to the
transmission and receipt of letters, which could with
difficulty be either sent to her many correspondents
Removal to Hewarth. \ 483
among her own companions abroad and in Ei^gland,
or received by her from them. Her anxiety a^xnot
having tidings from them, at length, early in the yedri;
1644, induced her to leave the place which was so
desirable as a residence in all other ways, and to go
to the near neighbourhood of York. She anticipated
the consequences to herself of this removal, but still
decided upon undertaking it. York was at this
period filled with Royalist families, among which the
Catholics formed a considerable part. All the prin-
cipal people both of the northern and other counties
had congregated there, either for shelter or to take
their share in the defence of the King. Mary was
more than ever failing and su'ffering in body, and she
knew that this suffering would of necessity be mani-
foldly increased by the interviews and conversations
which would follow upon her arrival near the city.
War was coming near, even to the very gates, but
this she either did not fear, or she may have in some
measure been ignorant of the approach of the Scottish
army to the assistance of the Parliament. She took
a house therefore at Hewarth, about a mile from
York, or it was perhaps lent to her at a nominal rent
by its owners.^ Here she lived exactly as at Hutton
Ruclby. She had a chapel in the house with the
^ The house belonged to one of the Thwings, who owned the manor
of Hewarth, and had married a sister of Sir Thomas Gascoigne. It
was called the Manor House. What is now left of it, appears rather
to be a portion of what must have been rebuilt after Mary Ward's
time, and is inhabited by two or three poor families. It stands, as
<lescribed by its present owner, Dr. Hqrnby, of York, "a very little
way past the Britannia Sun public house, on the right hand side of
'the road from York." . , : ;
4^4 Intercourse with visitors.
BlessfVfj Sacrament, and as she found room for two
pri.tsts to be there constantly, Mass was said daily.
/'An priests who passed that way were also warmly
welcomed, so that there were often four or five at
the house tog-ether.
No sooner was Mary settled at Hewarth, than
innumerable visitors came from York to see her.
They were of like kind with those who had flocked
to her in London. Her great charity induced her,
in spite of her frail and feeble state, to receive and
converse with all on their respective needs, whether
they were drawn there by curiosity, or were friends
who rejoiced at another opportunity of holding inter-
course with her. Mary's conversation had, as we
know, great charms, and she seems to have possessed
an especial gift for these conferences with individuals,
turning them into occasions of profit to those who
came to her, without chilling or repelling any. On
the contrary, many who came to Hewarth from
curiosity, ended in becoming fast friends, and would
seek her repeatedly for advice and direction.
She desired that all of her Institute should culti-
vate this power of doing good, and gave them many
excellent counsels for their guidance. She wished all
hers to be easy of access to those who sought them,
not to be ambitious of being feared, but rather of being
loved, and to bestow their charities and courtesies
with a liberal hand, for the contrary, she said, was
to sell them. They were to avoid all affectation in
demeanour, and take care that the voice and manner
of speaking were such as would prevent any need
of asking for a repetition of what was said. She
An answer to prayer, 485
told them "not to keep people in suspense, but to be
prompt and ready in giving each one satisfaction, not
willingly enduring that those who asked them should
be in need of anything which depended on them-
selves to give, or in which they could console their
neighbours either by counsel or whatever else."
Above all, they were not to begin by violently
attacking what was bad or amiss in any one, but,
by showing the beauty and desirableness of the
opposite virtue, to lead them to wish for it, "seeing
that the treatment was too rough which would take
away that which others possessed, without giving
them something in its place." Such was Mary's
own way of dealing, we know with what profit to
innumerable souls.
In spite of Mary's failing health, it does not appear
that she relaxed for a "moment her intentions of
enlarging her work. The sight of the City of York,
with its numerous Protestant population intermixed
with many secret Catholics, must have deeply moved
her zealous soul. Some offer of assistance, perhaps
from her cousin, Sir Thomas Gascoigne, or others, to
help to establish a permanent settlement for the
English Ladies in the north, either at Osmotherley
or in York itself, brought all her plans vividly before
her after she came to Hewarth early in 1644.* What-
ever this opportunity may have been, she took it
before God with fervent prayer, and asked for a
certain sum of money necessary for taking advantage
of it. When at the height of her prayer, she had this
* This date is given in the Painted Life, the forty-seventh picture
representing this subject.
486 Relics of Martyrs.
answer interiorly given to her, which stayed her
words, whil^ it filled her with consolation and an
enlarged and more perfect trust in the Divine Wisdom
and Bounty : " Is this sum better than My Provi-
dence ? " Riches turned into dust in Mary's eyes
at these words, and God's Providence did indeed
fulfil her desires for the object for which she prayed,
when she was no longer on earth to take part in its
promotion.
There was one especial act of devotion which
Mary, as it would seem, was permitted to exercise
in God's honour, probably during the early part of
her residence at Hewarth. Her veneration for relics
and for the bodies of the saints was great, for she
said that " it was through contempt and obloquy that
they had attained their honour, besides all the power
of their intercessions with God for us, and the assur-
ance they have of being for ever united with Him."
The month before Mary left London in 1642, two
priests had been executed for their faith at York, one
an aged man between eighty and ninety,^ the other
still young. Their heads and quarters had been
placed as usual on the several gates of York, where
they must have remained until secretly conveyed
thence by Catholics, who hid away their treasure
until some safe hands could be found with whom to
deposit them. We may believe with what joy Mary-
would receive them. A few words will be said later
on as to the subsequent history of these precious
relics.
* See Bishop Challoner's Memoirs of Missionary Priests, vol. ii.
pp. 134—139. Edinburgh, 1878.
Siege of York. 48 7
The course of public events did not permit Mary's
quiet way of life at Hewarth to remain long undis-
turbed. The victory of Sir Thomas Fairfax over the
Royalists at Selby early in April, 1644, left York at
his mercy. Towards the end of the month his army,,
and that of the Scotch, who marched to his assist-
ance, were spread along two-thirds of the city walls^
and Lord Manchester's troops, a few weeks after-
wards, were stationed, with Cromwell as second in
command, along the north side, and consequently
between Bootham Bar^ and the village of Hewarth.
The siege began in good earnest on the 3rd of June.
Meantime much apprehension existed among the
people as to the results. The inhabitants of the
suburbs were hastily entering York for shelter, and
urged Mary to do the same. She endeavoured to
raise the courage of those around her, and to inspire
them with the same confidence which she herself felt
in the protecting hand of God. " Fear not," she said,
"we will have our recourse to God and His Angels
and saints. They will help us. We will place St.
Michael at one end of the village, and St. Joseph at
the other, and put the power of the great cannon and
pieces on the Sacred Name of Jesus, which will keep
them from hurting." The effect of her prayers was
seen in the protection of all her household and all
that belonged to them, while in the village only two
men were killed during the siege. This protection
was extended to her on one occasion, as we shall see,
in a remarkable way.
Mary herself wished to remain at Hewarth. She
^ Bar, the old name for gate, still used for the gates of York.
488 Mary in York.
felt they were all as safe there under the care of
Almighty God, as if removed to York, But her
numerous friends never ceased to urge her. She was
considered rash and presumptuous in indulging any
such thought, so that to avoid giving scandal she
yielded finally to the general opinion. She did not,
however, take any measures for going, until Lord
Manchester and his army had encamped between
Hewarth and the city, so that it was necessary to
pass through his soldiers and to carry all the furniture
the same way. The troopers ruthlessly plundered
every one who went by their camp to the gate, and
thus it was a service of danger to attempt to take
anything into the city. No cart or horse was allowed
to go, and all Mary's household goods had to be
carried by her people as best they could, beds and
all. But they passed without the slightest opposition
or insult, and lost nothing, though they saw others
stripped of whatever they had by the troopers as they
went along. Nor did they experience any molesta-
tion or annoyance during the siege, though known to
be Catholics.
The six weeks of the siege were a time of great
suffering to Mary personally. Her old malady had
greatly increased, and whereas at Hewarth she had
obtained some relief by being in the open air in fine
weather, for which the large garden gave her every
opportunity, in York she could not go out. The
little strength she had failed her, therefore, and she
was forced to lie in bed, or, if sitting up, to be rocked
continually in her chair to obtain some ease from the
pain she constantly endured. Nor was she allowed
Protection from danger. 489
any respite from the visits which so oppressed her at
Hewarth from all sorts of persons. No wonder they
came, as far as they themselves were concerned, for
they were accustomed to say, that " they went to her
as dead and lost, full of fears and alarms, but that
with her they revived, and went away equally filled
with courage." Such command over herself and her
sufiferings had Mary, that she gave hope and life both
to her own household and to all who approached her.
The protecting care of Almighty God and of His
good Angels was indeed extended over her and her
household vecy visibly, especially during one part of
the siege. It was said that five hundred cannon balls
were found afterwards, shot into various parts of the
city, and thirty shells. Of the latter, one fell on the
roof of the house inhabited by Mary. Had the bomb
burst on the roof, the destruction of the inmates must
have followed ; but it fell on a broken tile, and con-
sequently rebounded to a distance, and they were left
unhurt.
When the siege was over, the garrison of York
and all who wished to do so had the power of retiring
to some other of the King's fortresses, the city having
been surrendered on this condition. Mary's suffering
state of health prevented the possibility of taking
advantage of this permission. But besides, she had
a strong feeling that the wiser course was to remain
at Hewarth, and not to go with the multitude, and
she tried to persuade some of her friends thus to act.
Those who did not take her advice, found afterwards
to their cost the mistake they had made in not fol-
lowing it. Some of Mary's companions were full of
490 Rehtrn to Hewarth.
fears, however, in remaining so near to the ParliaT
mentarian garrison which now occupied York. One
of them said to her in great despondency, " What will
become of us ? " But she replied in a most confident
manner to her, as if the knowledge had been granted
her in some unusual way, " I am assured that God
will help me and mine, wherever we are." The same
Sister said to her on another occasion, "We must,
then, be content ! " " Nay, we xvill be content ! "
was Mary's trustful reply. In spite, however, of her
own desire to return to Hewarth, as the best and
safest course for them all, Mary made everj' inquiry
possible as to the other garrison towns held by the
Royalists, whether they were likely to prove a safe and
fitting shelter for herself and her household, but found
nothing promised well in any of them. She decided,
therefore, on going back to their old habitation in
Hewarth.
They removed there towards the end of July, and
found everything in a most desolate condition. The
lead and iron were stripped from the doors and
windows and other parts also, and the house itself
was full of vermin and bad odours, from four hundred
soldiers having lodged there, besides many who were
sick. It was remarkable, however, that both the
room which they had used as a chapel and that
which Mary inhabited were left clean and neat, not
so much as the mats on the floor being hurt. The
garden was utterly ruined, the beautiful trees cut
down, the paling destroyed. Several soldiers had
been hastily buried in the ground, and the air was so
infected that the village was full of sickness, and it was
Mary failing. 49 1
said there were not three persons who were not ill in
consequence. Yet Mary returned joyful and content,
nor expressed any dissatisfaction with so distasteful
a state of things. " Her satisfaction was above all
sense," as the manuscript of her companions remarks.
CHAPTER V.
"~-~^ Last Days.
1644, 1645.
When once more settled at Hewarth, Mary's com-
panions could not but be aware of her failing con-
dition. Her contented, peaceful state, they write,
certainly lengthened her life, and helped her to
endure her many sufferings, which now daily in-
creased. With loving care for what they were
feeling with regard to her, she endeavoured by all
the means in her power to do all which would
prolong her life, though, in spite of her heroic
courage, it was, from an accumulation of suffering,
become but a weariness to her. She one day let
her feelings on this subject escape her, adding, with
a smile, to her companions around her, " I have
much to do not to beg our Lord to take me."
From St. Anne's day until the feast of All Saints
there was no possibility of having a priest, a close
watch being kept upon every Catholic house by
the Parliamentarians. This was a great grief to
Mary, from the want of Holy Mass for so long a
492 Wine/rid^ s journey to London.
time. She could not either by any means obtain her
letters from London, which would have contained
also those from Rome and Munich. Her anxiety
in not hearing from any of her companions at length
induced her, after much prayer and thought, to send
one from among her own household to bring her
her letters, and also to convey directions to those in
London, who had equally been deprived of hearing
from her.
The journey to London was one of much danger,
for it had to be made on foot. Both armies had to
be passed through on the road, and there were snow
and bad weather at the time. The faithful and devoted
Winefrid Wigmore finally undertook the perilous
service, and this when in the sixtieth year of her
age. Who can doubt that, with her great un-
selfishness, she was the first to offer to perform it,
knowing as she did that it would bring some relief to
the sufferings of one she so tenderly loved .-' Still,
she must deeply have felt the parting from Mary with
the secret doubt of seeing her again alive. She went
disguised, with a lay-sister to attend her. There are
no particulars of this heroic journey. The fact only is
told to Winefrid's honour in the old French Necro-
logy of the Sisters. Nor does it appear that she
brought back any tidings from the Roman house ;
on the contrary, Mary's resignation to God's appoint-
ment is spoken of in dying in ignorance of the state
of her associates there.
Mary Poyntz writes of Mary : " When she saw
me anxious she would say, ' Do not fear, she will
come safe.' And certainly God gave her the con-
A Prediction. 493
solation to see what passed, for she would tell me
from time to time, ' Now she is here,' ' Now she is
there,' and ' On such a day she will be at home, in
time to help to bury me,' which, in fact, happened,"
for Winefrid returned just eight days before Mary
died. With what a pang must Mary Poyntz have
heard these last words, from the lips of one whom
she knew would not speak thus without a certainty
of the truth of what she said ! Her own agonizing
half-formed fears had here their full confirmation.
The time was come when she had to part from the
one she had loved best on earth, and both to her
and to all of those with her, it was far more than
this. Mary's strength visibly diminished after All
Saints' and her sufferings increased. " All which
could help nature, or aid in prolonging life, had
become not only disagreeable and distasteful, for
that they had, for many years, been to her, but
also very painful."
The searches of pursuivants were so continual
and so exacting, that it was not possible to keep a
priest concealed in the house. Yet, in spite of this,
one of those faithful servants of God, who, at the risk
of life, travelled from place to place in England at
the time of the great festivals, for the consolation
and strengthening of their fellow-Catholics, came to
celebrate the Christmas festival and remained during
the octave. Mary, though oppressed with pain and
feeble in the extreme, sat up through Christmas
night and assisted at the Masses at midnight, ex-
periencing great joy in being the means of procuring
the same happiness for her poor Catholic neighbours,
494 Last Confession and Communion.
though the risk to herself was great, had these doings
been discovered. There was Holy Mass during the
week, but the state of things was too dangerous for
the priest to venture to stay on longer. On the 29th
of December, the feast of St. Thomas of Canterbury,
towards the evening, a deadly cold accompanied with
sharp pains all over her body seized Mary. She
said to her companions, " This is something more
than ordinary. I will go and offer myself to our
dear Lord in the chapel." The Blessed Sacrament
was reserved there for some other sick person, and
Mary stayed for half an hour in prayer before the
Tabernacle, going afterwards to her bed, which she
never left again.
On the first day of the new year Mary confessed
and communicated. It turned out that these were her
last confession and her last Communion. Her con-
fession was a general one, made with many signs of
contrition, great fervour, and devotion. Her self-abne-
gation and resignation had been remarkable during
her life as to the spiritual gifts with which she had
•been so plentifully endowed. And now, at her death,
it pleased our Lord to give her a final opportunity
of exercising both her faith and conformity of will
to His, by the deprivation of those last consolations,
which she had, as we know, more than once resigned
herself to lack. The priest was to leave very early
on the next day. Mary, who knew interiorly how
■few the days were which would still be hers on earth,
importuned him to give her the Holy Oils, but he
^could not be brought to see that she was in sufficient
•danger. She did not argue the matter further, fearing
Petitioji for the Last Sacraments. 495
also to detain hitn where the risk was so imminent,
but when he was gone, she said very quietly and
resignedly : " Patience ! I must not have that happi-
ness, for I know well there will be no means here-
after." Holy Mass and Communion were over for
Mary with his departure, and in their absence, another
spiritual suffering was added to her, from the pros-
tration and insensibility of soul produced by the
extremity of illness, which she felt keenly, though
she expressed it to Mary Poyntz with a few quiet
words : " That nothing may be wanting to my pains,
I do not only not make my daily Communions, but
I have not even the satisfaction of thinking that I
feel the want of that great grace, as if I did not
esteem it as I have done."
Winefrid's safe arrival home on the 13th of
January (old style) must have been a great conso-
lation to Mary, as well as the news she brought of
the household in London. She failed rapidly from
that day. After her return, Mary named to her
companions her wish that Barbara Babthorpe should
be Vicaress over them when she was no longer with
them, until they themselves should choose who was to
govern them in her place. She could not sadden them
still more by reverting to the near approach of the day
when she should leave them, and waited to the last to
speak of the necessity of their endeavouring to obtain
the last sacraments for her. She knew the attempt
would be in vain, but it could; be delayed no longer,
and at length, on the 19th of January, she spoke.
The grief of her companions coiild not be concealed
at her request. On seeing this, she sat up in the
496 Mmy and her companions.
bed and began to talk to them in sweet consoling
words, reminding them of all God's goodness and
loving Providence over them, and of the many special
reasons they had, through the favours He had shown
them, for great trust and confidence in Him. But
finding their sadness but little diminished, she said
at length : " Oh, fie, fie ! what, still look sad ! Come,
let us rather sing and praise God joyfully for all
His infinite loving kindness ! " She set the example
herself, and began to sing some hymn of praise
and thanksgiving which she had been accustomed
before to sing with them. For Mary had a rich,
harmonious voice, and had used it to encourage her
companions thus to spend part of their recreations
together. Her companions, with voices broken with
sobs, joined with her now on her dying bed, and in
soft, faint tones she sang on as long as she had any
breath left. Surely those sweet dying notes must
have sounded in their ears as long as they lived,
and given them courage to confide and joy in God
at many a moment of apparent darkness and gloom.
Mary died in less than twenty-four hours after-
wards. Mary Poyntz, in a touching letter to Barbara
Babthorpe,^ gives a graphic detail of Mary's last
moments, which, as the account of an eye-witness, is
inserted here instead of any description of another
kind. She writes still in figurative language from
the doubtful transmission of her letter, but the words
are easily understood :
^ In the Nymphenburg Archives, An ancient copy, docketed in
the same hand, '* Mrs. Poyntz to Mrs. Babthorpe," who was then pro-
bably at Rome.
Letter of Mary Poyntz. ^(^y
" Most honoured, — What is Divine Providence !
and how great is the abyss of God's secret judgments,
how profound ought to be our submissions ! and
that of duty ! Methinks I can neither speak nor
write, what notwithstanding you must know, and
it will be a masterpiece of perfection to resign to,
and the truest act of love and duty to our dearest.
On the 20th [tjiat is, the 30th, new style] of January,
1645, at eleven of the clock or thereabouts, our
dearest my father departed this toilsome life, at the
age of sixty years and eight days. Truly, that I
live to write it you is no force of my own. His
decaying began on All Saints' day ; towards Christ-
mas complained of great pain, decayed much, and
as it were incapable of ease or rest, and according
to sense inclining to be content to go to that sweet
rest which, through God's mercy, I am most assured
he is in, but forth of his love to his children, which
was above all but God's will, was most prompt to
do all, both by prayer and medicines, to prolong life.
I do disdain my pen should pretend to express the
least part of that love, which truly all the pens of
the world can never do.
"In the 29th of December he took to his bed,
when I perceived that all downwards was swelled
like a great roll, and was not able to stir his legs
but with help, nor to put on a rag himself, which
was not his use, though in greatest sickness. Will
[Winefrid Wigmore] came not home till the 13th.
What was then wanting [that is, the letters from
Rome] would add to his suffrance, as when we meet
you shall hear. On the 15th day changed much,
GG 2
4^8 Marys sufferings.
and was in dead agony. I would ask sometimes
where his pain was ; he answered, ' from head to foot.'
Pitiful sore eyes, throat greatly swelled, which we
saw not till dead, yet never changed his sweet, serene
look, as it were between jest and earnest. Ned
[perhaps Catharine Smith] said : ' If you die, we will
take pack in lap and away to the heathen.' He
answered : ' If I thought so, it would break my heart ;'
and on other occasions still insinuated how much it
would express his children's love to take his death
well, and show our loves by advancing our trade,
and promises what Margery [Mary Ward] would do
with the Lady Blue's Son. Will begged he would ask
of God his own life. He made sign he would: he had
difficulty to speak. Again Will asked if he had done
it. He answered: 'Yes, entirely, and most resignedly.'
Now we make reflection, he had a greater knowledge
of his death, than his tender love to us permitted
him to manifest, not to contristate us.
" On the 19th, not to make it heavy to us, said,
* The chief business is neglected, to witt a silver pin '
[a priest]. We concurred, though with heart breaking,
and the next morning was concluded one should be
sent for, and they are dear things, and not to be had
but at dear rates. That was a bitter night, some
little times pains and agony made as it were an
amazement, but on all occasions of speech, most
perfect memory and understanding. About seven of
the clock, desired us all to be present. Will said we
were all there. He replied with great feeling, ' I
would you were all ! ' [In reference probably not
only to those who were absent, but to those who had
Last words to he^" Compaitions. 499
been faithless to their vocation and left her alto-
gether.] Then said, * I had a resolution to have said
other manner of things than now I am able. I fore-
bore it, not to contristate you, as also not to send for
the silver pin in time,' which was the greatest thing
he had, he said, offended God in, and through God's
mercy was the only thing did now trouble him.
Willed us to "ask pardon for him, and that we would
pardon him. Then commended to us with greatest
feeling the practice of God's vocation in us, that it
be constantly, efficaciously, and affectionately in all
that belongs to the general and particular of the
same. Said, * God will assist and help you, it is no
matter the who, but the what ; and Avhen God,' said
he, ' shall enable me to be in place I will serve you.'
Then with greatest love embracing each, seemed to
mind us no more, but with eyes and hands gave signs
of sweet, intrinsical [interior], entire acts. Expressed
great heat, but would no refreshing but water. [It
was Monday, the day of Mary's weekly fast in honour
of St. Anne]. Never sighed, groaned, nor rattled, nor
sweat, never turned eye, nor writhed mouth, only
inclined his head.
" He was laid forth as accustomed. About nine
the next day, came the silver pin, 'Never run
[through many dangers] with such ease and other
circumstances as the Friday.' Friend attributed it
to Margery her endeavours with her great Master,
which he wondered at till he saw where she was.
Twenty-four hours after his death, his swelling all
fell, and yet no skin broken, nor wet seen, but in one
leg which run water when he was alive, and in the
566 State after'' death.
same manner dead. The veins of temples, hands,
arms, feet, and legs as perfect azure as ever can be
painted, a decaying red in his lips as when alive, in
fine, no sign of death, but cold. Was kept from
Monday till Wednesday, and the last more lovely
than the first. And this is all but my humble peti-
tion to yourself, and with your leave to James and
Prime [Elisabeth Cotton and perhaps Elis. Keyes],
to repay that endless love with love, which is,
to live and remember in your best thoughts poor
Will and Peter, who all circumstances considered is
poor, yet, not to belie her ardent love, doth, in measure
undeserving, feel her assistance. Who had not had
what to buy what she was to travel in, had not Will
brought it. Peter would have lined her coach [coffin]
as Praxedes' was [perhaps with lead] but could not
for more respects than one, did somewhat that was
durable. I^know not how to hear from you. Patience,
till God will. Be assured we are in desire as right.
January the 24th [that is, old style] 1645."
It may be observed that Mary Poyntz stops
abruptly in her letter in relating how Mary breathed
her last. It seems as if she could not trust herself to
write of it, but we know a little of what passed, through
herself at a later time.^ During the night which pre-
ceded her death^that night so heartrending to those
who were with her — Mary suffered intensely. Yet in
the intervals between the moments of agony, she was
- Father Dominic Bissel gives other details in his Historia Vita
Maria Ward. Hq was a Canon of the Holy Cross at Augsburg
when Mary Poyntz founded the house there, and obtained from her
his knowledge of the particulars he relates.
Further accounts. 50.1
always immersed in prayer, and such communion
with God, that her whole countenance was lit up
with a heavenly joy, which beamed from her eyes
and showed itself even in the attitude of her hands.
It seemed as if she already saw the place among the
blessed which by the mercy of God was to be hers on
the coming day. Nor did this cease when in the
morning she called her companions around her bed
and commended their vocation to them. As she spoke
she dwelt in a peculiar accent upon the word " affec-
tionate," which told of the love towards their calling,
and towards each other in it, which she desired should
exist among them, as if she wished to say more of
this, but had not the power left. These were her
last words, except to ask to be raised in bed, or for
a little cold water to drink. But meantime her soul
had returned to its intercourse with God. She seemed
lost in Him, and again the expression of blissful joy
returned, and did not leave her until it faded away
from her eyes, when, having kissed the crucifix in her
hand and faintly spoken the Blessed Name of Jesus
three times, without a sigh she bowed her head in
death.
Her spirit had fled, and the pale shades of death
covered her countenance, as if to assure her com-
panions that so it was. But the heavenly peace and
joy of those last three or four hours must have sunk
deep into their hearts with a healing calm, as they
knelt absorbed in grief around her. It was not long
before another consolation was granted them. The
colour of her lips returned, the swelling of the body
disappeared, and her face and complexion resumed
501 Burial.
a life-like look of beauty, which increased every hour
until her burial. When they began to think of her
interment, besides the grief of parting with the life-
less remains, a feeling of consternation possessed the
minds of them all. The burial of Catholics in those
days was encompassed with difficulty. They were
often refused a place of rest in Protestant church-
yards, and even their bodies, when laid in the grave,
were liable to be torn up thence in any moment of
popular frenzy against their faith. Mary's com-
panions thought with horror of such a possibility
with regard to the remains of their beloved Mother,
but a happy suggestion was made by one of them,
which finally was successfully adopted. "We found
out," says their manuscript, " a little churchyard,
where the minister was honest enough to be bribed,"
and here, having effected this arrangement, they pre-
pared to carry her, choosing the churchyard rather
than within the church itself, "as less profane, and
because they could the more easily have recourse to
her grave." The little church was that of the village
of Osbaldwick, about a mile or more from Hewarth^
and probably well known to Mary herself.
According to the custom of the times, all the
neighbours in Hewarth were invited to Mary's
funeral, whether Protestant or Catholic. There was
an assemblage of many people that Wednesday
evening in consequence, for all held her in great
respect which they took this means of expressing^
and as they stood in groups together, speaking of
her who had passed away, these words were echoed
from one to another from among them as with one
After the Burial. 503
voice, " There never was such a woman, no, never ! "
There was but one exception to this general feehng,
which was shown by a man who would not come to
the burial, and who was met by the villagers as they
were returning from Osbaldwick. They taxed him
for his bad feeling, as an unworthy action, when after
some violent words concerning Mary, he added, " Sh^
was not content to be wicked alone, but she drew
many others with her to idolatry." He had no sooner
said this than he was seized with sharp pains all over,
so much so that he cried out in his agony for relief,
though he received little pity. These pains continued
for so long that at last he went, with some sort of
sense of shame, to Mary's companions to ask for a
remedy. Doubtless they had been accustomed to
give away medicine and food to those who needed
them. In accepting their charity he acknowledge^
so far, "that there were no other religions but his
and theirs, to one of which all would in the end
submit." Having thus made some amends for his
conduct, he was soon after freed from his suffering
and able to work as before.
Mary's body was sewn up by her loving com-
panions in a cere cloth, as the most " durable " means
they had for its preservation, and placed in a wooden
coffin. In the corner next the porch of Osbaldwick
Church, on the east side, lies the lowly grave. The
head is against the wall of the porch, and one side
touches that of the church itself, there not being room
for any other grave between the path and the building.
The little church is dedicated to St. Helen, a fitting
patroness to guard the remains of so great a lover
504 Marys grave.
of the Cross as Mary Ward. It stands in the middle
of what was perhaps the village green, surrounded
with the few old houses of the villagers. The in-
scription on the flat grave-stone is perfectly legible,
and is evidently the work of some village sculptor,
whose uncultured hand betrays itself in here and
there a letter or a short word omitted, and afterwards
inserted above the line. Whether the stone was
placed upon the grave by Mary's companions or by
others is not known. Their object, as they say in
their manuscript, was to keep her grave " in obscurity,"
for fear of the insults of Protestants ; it may therefore
not have been put there for some io."^ years. The
inscription shows also the extreme care then neces-
sary to avoid anything like an allusion to her faith,
which might cause the grave to be desecrated. The
following are the words :
Co loue t^e poore
pcc0iuci: in x\t 0ame
liuc D? anti 3Bli0e toit^
ttjem Voais all tfic apme
of
Sl^arp (Ifllarti tDl)o
^auing: 1L\\\<^ 60 ptargf
ant 8 tiap0 dped x\z
20 of 3! an. 1645.
The memory of Mary Ward did not at her death
pass away from the minds of those among whom she
Her memory. 505
had spent the few last years of her life. A remark-
able fact is told with regard to the strong impression
she produced by her sanctity, and the sweet, genial,
"human" way, as her companions call it, in which
it was clothed and made so acceptable in the eyes
of those she dealt with. In the year 1700, a rich
merchant of York of the name of Straker died. He
was a Protestant, but on his death-bed, he desired
that his body should be buried in Osbaldwick church-
yard, as near as possible to " that holy lady, Mary
Ward." His wishes were obeyed, and his grandson
Mr. Fothergill was present at his funeral. We owe
this fact to the unwearied researches of Mrs. Mary
Cramlington,^ a nun of the Institute, already men-
tioned in the earlier part of this history, who obtained
the information in the year 1727, direct from the
house at York.
Another fact with regard to the grave at Osbald-
wick is also due to her, and came from the same source.
The same letter states, that " many years ago, the
nuns at York had the grave opened, and nothing was
found in it but the copper or tin plate upon which
Mary Ward's name was engraved." * This wording
is too vague to form any conjecture whether the
^ Nymphenburg Archives.
* The words of the old document which say, *' When the leaves
were turning, shining beautiful, the ladies at the Bar had their wont
to go to Osbaldwick and pray at the grave of Mrs. Mary Ward, their
first Lady Abbess," prove nothing against this fact. For are there
not in these days holy graves, where worshippers still pray and lay
their offerings of love, though the precious relics are no longer there,
but under safe keeping from the ruthless hands of destroyers, until the
hoped-for day of canonization arrives ?
5o6 Place of her remains.
examination thus made was before or after Mr.
Straker's burial. But perhaps the result was only
what might have been expected. Mary's companions
had to leave Hewarth and went to Paris only a few
years after her death. It is difficult to believe that
they should treasure and carry away with them every
little article that belonged to her — the clothes she
wore, the cover of the pillow on which her head
rested when she died,^ and many other things which
still remain like heirlooms, from generation to
generation, as witnesses of her — and leave behind
them what were so far dearer to them, her precious
remains themselves, exposed as they then were to
the risk of whatever Protestant rancour and frenzy
might suggest .-• It seems much more likely that they
should either take measures to place her body in
some more secure resting-place, or else carry her
remains with them abroad, especially at a period
when Catholics thought there was no greater honour
than to be the guardians of the bodies of those who
had suffered for the Faith. In any case, it must
remain uncertain whether her body rests in the grave
over which the simple stone remains to mark the
spot of her burial.
^ Some of Mary Ward's garments are at the Institute House at
Augsburg, that in which she died and the pillow-case on which her
head lay are at Bamberg. There are also preserved at Alt-CEtting,
besides the rosary which Mary left at the Anger Convent, her black
rosary and the ebony and brass crucifix which she wore, a small brass
clock which belonged to her, an old-fashioned silver spoon which she
used, which is docketed in English, "The principal spoon at our
College at Rome, used by our Mother, and on her journey from
Rome, " besides instruments of penance and other matters.
_ CHAPTER VI.
After Mary's death.
1645— 1703,
Before we begin to trace, however shortly, the
history of the companions of Mary Ward, and those
who came after them in their religious community
and observance, it will be as well to say a few words
by way of explanation of what might otherwise be
liable to misconception. We are about to carry on
the history of these devoted souls to the time when,,
in accordance with the most cherished wishes of her
whom they regarded as their first Mother, the Rules
of the Institute of Mary were confirmed by Clement
XI. The historians whom we shall follow are, in
the main, those who recognized in Mary Ward a
singular nobility of character and even a remarkable
height of sanctity, and who drew their accounts, both
of her life and work, and of the Institute which
Clement XL so far ratified, from the records and
traditions of these devout ladies themselves. It was
very natural that histories so written should dwell
on the elements of continuity rather than of diversity
between what we may call the two Institutes, that
which Urban VI 1 1, annulled, and that which Clement
XL sanctioned. It was quite possible to dwell on
either side of the picture, without any intention of
5o8 The Institute of Mary.
ignoring' the other side. In the eyes of the Church,
following with strict docility the acts of the Sovereign
Pontiffs, and giving to those acts their full efficacy
and issues, these two Institutes were and must always
be regarded as legally distinct. As Benedict XIV,
afterwards remarked, Clement XI. never spoke of
restoring what his predecessor had annulled, and
never in any way revoked the Bull of Urban, So
far, it is only loyal and right to insist upon the dis-
tinctness of the two Institutes,
Yet it remains certain that the members of the
Institute of Mary on whom the Pontifical favour was
at last openly bestowed by Clement XI,, were the
lineal descendants and successors, so to speak, of the
companions and disciples of Mary Ward, It is not
possible to point to any directly new beginning of
the practice of the rule by which they lived later than
the time of these companions. They were like the
soldiers of a disbanded regiment immediately incor-
porated in a new regiment of their own, with certain
important changes indeed, in obedience to the order
which had disbanded them, but, when these changes
had been faithfully carried out, living on with the
old feelings of companionship, of esprit de corps, of
mutual affection, and of natural veneration for the
guiding spirit under whom they had first been en-
rolled. It may be allowed us to see, in the final
recognition which they obtained in the days of
Clement XL, a providential reward for the readi-
ness with which submission had been made to the
voice which had dissolved the bond which united
them, and then allowed of their partial reunion.
Tacit authorization probable, 509
In a case such as this, it is inevitable, as has been
said, that there should be two sides from which the
onward progress of what was to become the new
Institute of Mary may be viewed. From the side of
technical legality, that progress must be looked on
as unauthorized, except so far as it may fairly be
supposed, as has been supposed in the preceding
chapters, not without much presumptive evidence,
that although no formal sanction was given to what
appeared an attempt at revival, it was tolerated and
even silently encouraged by the authority which at
length spoke in its favour.
There are instances in the Church of such tolera-
tion or tacit authorization. It is, we think, most
probable, from what lias been said in the preceding
chapters, that this was the actual state of the case
with the "English Virgins" in Bavaria. Indeed, their
existence for so long is hardly to be reconciled with
the theory that the kind of material continuity which
seems to have been maintained was not only formally
unauthorized, but also radically contumacious and
reprehensible. It seems more reasonable to think
that the, highest authorities in the Church were con-
tent with the fact that the suppressed Institute had
ceased to exist, not only by the act of the supreme
power, but by the frank abandonment of the points
which had been noted for condemnation. Thus it
would be considered that what seemed a continuation
was in truth a new beginning of a work which might
be allowed to make its own way, by its own deserts,
whether to confirmation, partial or entire, or to a
fresh proscription.
5IO The legal view.
This is the legal and ecclesiastical view of the
history, and it must be understood that nothing in
the present volumes is intended in any way to ques-
tion its absolute truth. On the other hand, it cannot
be expected that we should always find the members
of the communities in question using the strictest and
most technical language, although we are not aware
of any instances in which a word was said by them
in contravention of such language. It is quite evident
that the " English Ladies " laboured on at the work
which came to their hands, and laboured so success-
fully as at last to win the Confirmation of their Rule
from the supreme Pontiff". We are at present only
concerned with their existence as a community up
to the time when this Confirmation was obtained,
and it is necessary that their position during this
interval should be represented in its true and legal
light.
Mary Ward was no more. But her work was not
over when her bodily presence was gone from among
them, for the noble example she had given them of
what that spirit could bring forth, was engraven
indelibly on their hearts. The days of blank desola-
tion which succeeded her departure could but have
made them cling more closely to her dying wishes.
They determined therefore to carry on her plans and
continue in England, though many difficulties, occa-
sioned by the state of the times, surrounded them, and
the sense of security they felt when she was in the
midst of them was theirs no longer. They remained
bravely on therefore for the next few years at the house
Marys companions. 511
at Hewarth, keeping up what communication they
could with their sisters in London. But the troubles
in England and the establishment of the Common-
wealth only added to the distresses of Catholics, and
the need of a house of refuge abroad, like that which
had formerly belonged to the English Ladies at
St. Omer, for the reception of the children entrusted
to them, became more pressing. About the year
1650, Mary Poyntz and those with her at Hewarth,
were informed by the owners of the house there, that
it was requisite that they should live in it themselves,
and that they, the tenants, must leave. This notice
determined their movements, and a remarkable gift,
which the Providence of God put into the hands of
Mary Poyntz at this time, gave the means of accom-
plishing them. She resolved to settle with her
companions in Paris, and establish there the House
of Refuge so much needed. It was a plan which, it
can scarcely be doubted, originated with Mary Ward
during the winter she spent in that city, and Mary
Poyntz, who knew her mind, carried it out.
The gift alluded to was from a relation of her
own, the great and pious Marquis of Worcester, who
defended Raglan Castle so gallantly against the
Parliamentarians. A paper is extant^ in his own
handwriting dated January 5, 1649-50, in which as
a thankoffering to God, " for His infinite blessings
and for His particular illumination for the invention
and perfecting my last weighty designe " — (the
Marquis of Worcester is well known as having anti-
^ In the archives of St. Mary's Convent, York. The document is
signed and sealed with the Worcester coat of arms.
512 Hotise at Paris.
cipated the steam engine) — he gives five hundred
pistoles to his "honoured cousin Mrs. Mary Points,
to be disposed of by her for God's greater glory and
the propagation of her most virtuous designe and
religious endeavour." This sum he binds himself to
pay within a year. The household at Hewarth
then removed to Paris, taking with them some of
their English pupils. The house flourished with
Mary Poyntz as Superior. Winefrid Wigmore and
Catharine Smith formed part of the Community.
The former was the head-mistress of the boarders
when the English Ladies first settled in the city-
She was much beloved by the pupils, several of whom
entered the Institute. Winefrid died in 1657, at the
age of seventy-two, and was buried in the Convent of
the Bernardine Nuns. It was during their residence
in Paris that she and her companion Mary Poyntz
composed together the manuscript biography of
Mary Ward,^ their beloved Mother, and multiplied the
copies for the use of their fellow-associates, both in
English and French. Catharine Smith also died at
Paris. We know of two other members, Frances
Bedingfield and Isabella Layton, but the names of the
rest are not recorded. In 165 1, Mary Poyntz received
as a temporary charge the arm bone of St. Thomas of
Hereford, from her brother the Rev. John Poyntz, S.J.*
2 See Note I. to Book VIII.
^ This valuable relic of St. Thomas de Cantalupe, being part of those
which had been venerated at his shrine in Hereford Cathedral ever
since his death, is now at Stonyhurst College. The Rev. John Poyntz
with great care obtained certificates as to the identity of these relics in
Herefordshire, where they were given to him, and where they had been
rescued from the hands of Protestant destroyers, and preserved by some
pious Catholics.
Frances Bedingfield in England. 513
This precious relic remained under the charge of the
English Ladies at Paris until the year 1668, when
they delivered it to the Rector of the English College
at St. Omer.
Frances Bedingfield left Paris in 1669 for her oMjn
country. She went thither upon the invitation of some
person who possessed the means to found a house for
the English Ladies. On her arrival in England,
however, she found that his friends had interfered and
had seized on the money destined for her. Through
many other difficulties, which she met with great
courage and endurance, she succeeded in making a
settlement at Hammersmith, but the details of this
foundation, as well as of that finally made at York by
her, are too long for us to enter on in this place, and
belong rather to a more lengthened history which is
in course of preparation by another hand. The
Convent "of the Bar," at York, one of the chief
glories of the Catholic Church in England for now
more than two centuries, is still happily flourishing
both in religious observance and in usefulness in the
service of God and men. Esto perpetua ! It deserves,
and we believe it will soon have, its own published
history. Of these early days therefore a few words
only from time to time are necessary. At Hammer-
smith, Frances had the help and countenance of
Queen Catharine of Braganza, who was accustomed
occasionally to retire there from the uncongenial
atmosphere of her Court, when she enjoyed the
society of the pious English Ladies. She possessed
a small property at Hammersmith, which she finally
left to them.
HH 2
514 Helena Thwing.
Among the English pupils at Paris were several
highly gifted young girls, who afterwards were
received as members of the Institute, in which they
were noted for their virtues, and became foundresses
of houses, some of which still exist. One of them
was Helena Thwing, a niece of Sir Thomas Gascoigne.
She entered the Munich House in 1654, and was after
some years sent to England to become the Superioress
of the house at Hewarth, where Mary Ward died.
Helena's uncle had bought the house of her parents or
relations and given it to the English Ladies to settle in
once more. She had been there but a very few years
when the Titus Oates' persecution broke out in 1679
and '80, and her companions were obliged to leave
her for safety's sake. Helena remained, as a lady in
possession of her own property, to endeavour to pre-
serve it for her community, but she fell dangerously ill
before she could make any will. A Protestant cousin
took advantage of her situation and seized on the
property, obtaining her signature, when unconscious of
what she was doing, to a document in his favour. A
lawsuit was entered into by Frances Bedingfield
which ended unfavourably, and the house, with all its
precious reminiscences of the last days of Mary
Ward, was thus lost for ever to the members of the
Institute. Sir Thomas Gascoigne made up for the
loss as far as lay in his power, by shortly afterwards
bestowing another site in York, where Frances carried
on the work of the Institute with a courage and
•devotion the fruits of which still remain.
We pass on to a period of transient prosperity,
not only to the children of Mary Ward, but to the
House in Whitefriars Street. 515
Catholics of England in general, during the brief
reign of James II., so prematurely cut short. The
English Ladies had, as it would seem, always retained
some small settlement in London itself, during the
whole of the troublous political period, which had inter-
vened between the time when Mary Ward left the
City for Yorkshire, and the Restoration of Charles II.
During the reign of that Sovereign they had enjoyed
the favour of Queen Catharine, and also of Mary
Beatrice, the pious consort of the Duke of York. The
latter, when she became Queen in 1683, at once used
the means she then had of giving them substantial
marks of her regard and of her estimation of their
labours. She bestowed upon them what they had
never possessed before in London as their own
property, a good and roomy house, which she
purchased out of her private income, in Whitefriars
Street, while the King, at her request, settled a
revenue upon the community. Here schools on a
large scale were at once opened, and three hundred
children quickly presented themselves as pupils.
Thus once more were Mary Ward's designs brought
into effect by her faithful companions and their
successors, who doubtless hailed with joy these first-
fruits of the prayers and labours she had lavished
upon them, when all v/as gloomy and dark as to any
prospect of success.
Queen Mary Beatrice took a personal interest in
the well-being of this Institution, and of the individual
members of the community residing there. Finding
that there were not a sufficient number for the work
opening before them, she begged that their sisters
5i6 Community bi'oken up.
from Paris might be sent for, and, as a house of
refuge was no longer necessary for Catholic children,
that they should bring all their moveable goods with
them, so that henceforth the house in Whitefriars
Street should be considered their chief and permanent
establishment. The Queen's wishes were obeyed, and
the whole household at Paris appears to have been
transferred to the house in London, so that a
flourishing work was carried on during the following
three years. The sisters all publicly wore the dress
which had been adopted since the Bull of Suppression
as that of the proposed Institute, in the same way
that other religious were to be seen in the habit
of their order. The Queen provided them with
means to procure all they needed, and made with her
own hand the white linen kerchiefs or collars they
wore, for which she procured the best holland, then
an expensive material.
These prosperous days ended very suddenly upon
the disturbances raised in London when James left
England. The house in Whitefriars Street was
violently taken possession of by the mob of Protes-
tants, and the English Ladies were obliged to take
refuge at the French Ambassador's, whither, as a pre-
cautionary measure, they had already removed the best
part of their furniture and the fittings of their chapel.
Among the latter was a picture of our Lady, which
was very dear to them. It was said that it was seen
to weep when Mary Ward was imprisoned and on
some other occasions of misfortune to the community.
During the continuation of these riots the French
Embassy was by some accident set on fire, and in the
Hammersmith and York. 517
fire the whole of the furniture stowed away there was
destroyed, and with it this valuable picture. The
sisters went to Hammersmith to Frances Bedingfield,
and a lawsuit was begun to endeavour to rescue the
house given them by the Queen, which had been
taken away from them. The sentence was, how-
ever, given against them by the bigoted judges,
in defiance of all justice, and the expenses of the
suit cost the Institute a heavy sum. Some of the
sisters returned to Paris.
There was another attempt at a settlement in
London as a centre of work in St. Martin's Lane, of
which Mary Portington was the head, but it did not
succeed. At the time of the Confirmation, in 1703,
there existed therefore in England the two Houses
only, at Hammersmith and York. That at Paris, which
was entirely for the service of the English, was carried
on until the same date, and probably would not have
then been abandoned, had it not been for the strength
of the Jansenist party in France, with whom the
English Ladies had no sympathies, and who therefore
discouraged their remaining longer. Of the House at
York much might be said, were this the fitting place.
It speaks to this day for itself as a noble memorial
of what was done there in the days of persecution
and those which succeeded of abjection to the followers
of the true faith, through which the House endured,
and of the brave witness and support which, by their
example and work of education, its members gave
to Catholics, whether faithful or cold-hearted, during
those long dreary years. The foundation at Ham-
mersmith was flourishing for many years after its
5i8 Barbara Babthorpe.
commencement. But its later history was marked by
misfortune, and its members finally died out, having
been persuaded to separate themselves from the
Superiors of the Institute in Germany. The last
three survived to a great age. One of them lived
until 1822. The house, after sheltering for many
years the Benedictine Nuns of Dunkirk, now settled
in Teignmouth, passed to the Bishop of the diocese,
and was pulled down to make room for the present
Seminary of St. Thomas.
To go back to Mary Ward's immediate com-
panions. Mary Poyntz was called from Paris in 1653
to Rome, where Barbara Babthorpe had resided as
the head of the Association of the English Ladies
since 1645, when they confirmed Mary Ward's choice
of her as her successor. She was a woman of great
ability. The old French Necrology speaks of her
government as wise and gentle. Hard towards her-
self, she could be nothing but goodness and tender-
ness towards others, and in the lowly estimate which
she had of her own powers, she sought for several
years to lay aside her Superiority and to live under
obedience for the remainder of her life. These re-
quests she renewed so earnestly in 1653, that in
consequence of her failing health, Mary Poyntz and
others journeyed to Rome to elect one among their
members in her room. The choice fell on Mary, and
it was believed that Barbara had received some inti-
mation from God that her death was at hand, for the
travellers had not yet left the city to return to their
ordinary duties, when they were summoned to receive
her last breath. The night before she had her Via-
Mary Poyntz at Munich. 519
ticum, and soon after expired. She wrote down a
fervent commendation of herself to our Lord and
also to our Blessed Lady, and at the end she added
words of devotion and tender love to her " ever
dearest and happy Mother, Mother Mary Ward,"
whose prayers she begged, at the time of death, as
her " most disloyal servant and poorest child." She
was buried in the church of the English College at
Rome, before the altar of our Lady. Her monu-
mental tablet spoke of her as having " presided over
her Institute of Virgins with great wisdom and sweet-
ness "—an incidental proof of the open, unconcealed
way in which they had practised their way of life at
Rome since Mary Ward's death.
The house at Rome was not given up until the
Confirmation of the Institute in 1703. It continued
until that date to be more or less the residence of the
successors of Mary Ward in their position of its head
or chief Superior. Young English girls were received
as boarders there, as well as foreigners, and some of
them became members of the Institute from time to
time, and were transferred elsewhere.
Mary Poyntz did not go direct to Rome in 1653.
She journeyed first to Munich, taking with her a
party of her scholars, whom she left there. Among
these were Catharine Hamilton,^ daughter of Wine-
frid Bedingfield's sister. Lady Hamilton, and after-
wards Superior of the house at Augsburg, Helena
Thwing, already mentioned, Catharina Johnstone,
and Helena Catesby, to be spoken of later on. We
"^ Another of Lady Hamilton's daughters, and she herself also,
entered the Augustinian Convent at Bruges.
5 20 Plans of Mary Pointz.
may in some way picture the joy of the meeting
which then took place, after so many years of separa-
tion, between Mary and the members of the Institute,
in whose joys and sorrows she had borne so large a
part during the lifetime of Mary Ward, Winefrid
Bedingfield, Frances Brookesby, and Anna Rorlin,
whom we know as "my Jungfrau," were still alive,
besides many of a younger generation, who had also
known and loved the one whose name must have
been continually on their lips during these first days
of renewed intercourse.
Mary Poyntz devoted herself, during the first
years after entering on her important office, to per-
fecting the work of the existing houses of the Institute
as well as advancing the spirit of the individual
members. She seems to have resided chiefly at
Munich. But her knowledge of the mind and exten-
sive plans of Mary Ward, and the training and expe-
rience which she had derived from her, gave her other
views also. The propagation of the new Institute,
both for the good of souls, and with a view to
obtaining a place for it among the sanctioned con-
gregations of religious in the Church, must have been
wrapped up to her in the farewell words of Mary
Ward on her dying bed, and her own mind was
expansive enough to grasp the idea with all its
energies. She only waited the fitting opportunity,
which she sought through prayer and thought and
other means. The English Ladies were much in the
favour of the Electoral family, and there are nume-
rous incidents mentioned in the manuscripts showing
the intercourse which they kept up with the Para-
At Augsburg. 521
deiser Haus. It was not without their knowledge
that Mary decided on the step she finally took.
Augsburg was then a free Imperial city, whose
citizens were many of them princes as to position,
and both wealthy and pious. The Bishop, too, was
known for his large-heartedness and his benevolence
of character. At Augsburg, then, in the year 1662,
she determined to make her first attempt after the
fashion of Mary Ward, and seek the means of a new
settlement. She went as a private individual, taking
with her four young English Sisters from Munich,
who had been her pupils at Paris, and whom she had
received into the Institute three years before. These
were Catharina Errington, Dorothy Fielding, Elisa-
beth Rantienne, and Mary Portington, who afterwards
was sent to England to Frances Bedingfield. She
also took with her Isabella Layton, the excellent
Jungfrau or lay-sister already mentioned, and four
of the English pupils who were being educated at
Munich, who all finally entered one or other com-
munity. Two of these were Barbara Babthorpe's
great-nieces, Mary Anna Barbara and Agnes Bab-
thorpe, both destined to take a prominent part in
the future well-being of the Institute as Chief or
General Superiors. Besides these there were Christina
Hastings, afterwards a courageous worker in England,
and Mary Turner, already much esteemed by the
Electress in Munich for her rare qualities, which
induced her to ask that she should become one of
the ladies of her Court.
Mary with her party lodged at first at the well-
known " Drei Mohren " inn. Through the relations of
522 Protection of the Bishop.
one of the pupils at Munich, whose uncle was Burgo-
meister of Augsburg, she obtained introductions to
some most influential inhabitants of the city, who
welcomed her warmly and at once entered into her
designs. The Burgomeister found a good house for her
to rent, and pupils were quickly sent to her not only
from among the principal families, but also from all
classes. The heads of these families also gave her
more substantial marks of the favour and interest with
which they regarded her work, by assisting her with
money and in other ways.
But the most important of the services rendered
to her was due to the Count and Countess Thurn
and Taxis, who, when the new Bishop was appointed
to the diocese, John Christopher von Freiberg, in
1665, used their interest with him in behalf of the
English Ladies and their school, so that he granted
Mary Poyntz an interview in the following year. He
became a fast friend, and after some years bestowed
upon them all that they desired. He took them
publicly under his protection, declared them religious,
and, as such, capable of receiving ecclesiastical en-
dowment and other privileges, settled upon them a
yearly revenue out of the funds of the diocese, and
provided the priests to say Mass in their chapel, at
the same time entering warmly into their work of
education. This was not until 1680, after he had
seen enough of the good fruits of their labours, to
prove their worth, and to become satisfied with their
perseverance in their holy course of life.
His esteem for Mary Poyntz was great. He at-
tended upon her on her death-bed, and permitted
Death of Maiy Poyntz. 523
her to have Holy Mass in her sick room, a privilege
very unusual in those days. She died a holy death
in her seventy-fourth year, in 1667. The last years of
her life were divided between Munich and Augsburg.
At Augsburg she instructed the novices as v/ell as
taking the whole charge of the community. Several
of her conferences with the Sisters exist in manuscript.
They show both her deep reverence for every practice
and counsel which Mary Ward had left to her children,
some of which she mentions in each, and also the
great progress she herself had made in holiness by
following them. She was buried in St. John's Chapel
in the Cathedral of Augsburg, a favour not granted
to every one, and a tablet " was erected to the
memory of their most beloved Mother by the Con-
gregation of English Ladies," which was in existence
until the secularization in the present century, when
the chapel was pulled down.
Though Mary Poyntz, like Mary Ward, did not
live to see the fruits of her labours, she had made,
by the foundation in Augsburg, the first step towards
the Confirmation of the new Institute by the Holy See.
In the good Bishop John Christopher, the English
Ladies recognized " the unknown person in episcopal
dress," whom Mary Ward had seen in vision at St.
Omer on her way to England, whom our Lord told
her was to be a friend to the Institute. His services
towards her work were not confined to his own
diocese, for his example led the way to the bestowal
of similar favours by the Bishop of Freysing and the
Archbishop of Salzburg, in the same year. Thus in
1680, the English Ladies at Munich, Augsburg, and
524 Catharine Hamilton.
Burghausen, where a foundation was about to be
made, were declared religious by three of the most
eminent prelates of Germany, The foundation at
Augsburg brought, as it were, a fresh current of
life into the Institute. Even before the Bishop's pro-
tection was publicly given, German subjects began to
enter it, both at Munich and Augsburg, many of
them of saintly character. After Mary Poyntz' death,
three of her Paris pupils and novices became succes-
sively Superiors at Augsburg, who there preserved
intact the spirit of which Mary herself had drunk so
deeply at the fountain head. These were Catharine
Hamilton, Helena Catesby, and Elisabeth Rantienne.
The two latter were only removed to become foun-
dresses of houses to be spoken of presently. Catha-
rine inherited the virtues and talents of her mother's
holy family. She had such a love of the Cross of
her Lord as to have prayed long and specially that
she might be gifted with some great cross which
should the most tend to her own self-abjection. She
was heard in her request most remarkably. While
kneeling for several hours in prayer in St. Ulric's
Church, she was told interiorly that her petition was
granted, as she told her companions on their way
home. No sooner had she reached the convent than
she was deprived of her senses. Nor was her mind
restored to her for several years, until a {q.\w hours
before her death, which took place in 1685 in Munich,
when she made a general confession with great per-
fection, and having received the last sacraments with
the utmost fervour and devotion, fell into uncon-
sciousness and died.
Catharine Dawson. 525
The community and its work of education in-
creased so rapidly in Augsburg, that in 1686 it
became necessary to remove into a larger house.
Elisabeth Rantienne, then Superior, obtained one in
Windsgasse, which forms part of the present Convent
of the Institute, and the Bishop laid the first stone of
the church, which, however, through the opposition
of the Protestant part of the inhabitants of Augsburg,
was not finished for twenty years. It was the first in
Germany dedicated to the Sacred Heart. During
the siege of Augsburg, which occurred just after its
completion, the nuns received a great reward for their
devotion, for in the midst of the bombs and cannon-
balls which fell near them, their house entirely es-
caped injury. They were meantime sending up cease-
less prayers to the compassionate Heart of Jesus, and
had this answer to their petitions. The Emperor
Leopold showed great favour towards the English
Ladies, and when in the city in 1690 for the corona-
tion of his son, obtained for them from the Burghers
the grace of being made citizens, with all the privi-
leges belonging to that state.
Catharine Dawson, a member of the Roman
house, was chosen to succeed Mary Poyntz as the
head of the new Institute. She sent three of the
English Sisters from Augsburg to help Frances
Bedingfield in her Hammersmith foundation in 1669,
Mary Portington, Christina Hastings, and Isabella
Layton. The former had entered the Institute in
•1659 ^t Munich, and during the next some years
several other English subjects were also received
;tliere and at Augsburg. But after the two houses
526 Wine/rid Bedingiield.
in England had attained a solid footing, pupils and
postulants were rarely sent into Germany, and after
the beginning of the eighteenth century they ceased
altogether.
Few details are known of the history of the in-
mates of the Paradeiser Haus during the years
succeeding Mary Ward's departure from Rome, until
after the death of Winefrid Bedingfield. She was
admirable in her method of government, the schools
grew under her management, and she possessed the
confidence and esteem of the Electoral family, who
continued their protection and assistance, as during
Mary Ward's lifetime. Winefrid was a very holy
religious, and it is told of her in the Necrology that
she died from the effects of the Divine love with
which her heart was consumed. Such was the testi-
mony of the physicians who attended her at her
death, which took place in 1666 at the age of fifty-
six. It was during the superiority of Winefrid Bed-
ingfield that Jungfrau Anna Rorlin began a work
for the orphans of those who had fallen in the
Swedish war, which God abundantly blessed. There
are no records to show whether this was before or
after Mary Ward's death. The orphans were lodged
in a house belonging to the English Ladies, and
finally in 1722 in that next to the Paradeiser Haus,
which they bought for the purpose.
The children lived under the care of some of the
community, and were for many years entirely sup-
ported by the Institute. In the course of time
various pious benefactors of Munich bestowed con-
siderable sums upon the work, including the Electress
The Orphan House. 527
Maria Anna Sophia at the end of the eighteenth
century. In this way a large number of orphans were
provided for. The house was in a very prosperous
state when in 1808, at the time of the secularization
of religious houses, it was taken from the Institute
and assigned with its revenues to the use of the city
of Munich. From this time until 1861, the English
Ladies had nothing further to do with the Orphan
house. But in that year the city proposed that they
should undertake the supervision of the charity, and
it now flourishes under their management, though
no longer belonging to the Institute. Sixty boys and
sixty girls are maintained, instructed, and placed out
in trades suitable to each.
Mary Poyntz chose Barbara Constable, whose
vows Mary Ward herself received at Rome, to
succeed Winefrid Bedingfield as head of the Para-
deiser Haus ; and on her death Mary Barbara Bab-
thorpe, a pupil of Mary Poyntz, was placed there by
Catharine Dawson. The house was most prosperous
under the rule of both. There are many entries in
the Government Archives at Munich of generous
gifts from the Electors Ferdinand and Max Emanuel,
among them that of a garden near the Isar Thor, or
gate, as they had none in the city itself It was at
this time when Barbara Constable was Superior that
the well-known and saintly Boudon, Archdeacon of
Evreux, visited the English Ladies at the Paradeiser
Haus in 1685, when on his visit to Bavaria to the
Duchess of Tiirkheim, who was a daughter of the
Due de Bouillon, and had been his penitent in France.
He preached in their chapel, and writes of them,
528 Foundatio7i at Burghmisen.
their edifying life, and holy work of education, in a
letter to an Ursuline nun, to whom he describes all
he had seen in Germany.
A new foundation, which was made during the
rule of Catharine Dawson, has next to be spoken of.
Our readers already know something of the character
of Helena Catesby, who attached herself inseparably
to Mary Ward when a child of nine years old. To
her this great work was reserved by the Providence
of God. In the year 1680, one of the Sisters, Philippa
Baumfelderin, who had been six years in the Institute,
received an urgent entreaty from her dying brother
at Burghausen, to go and visit him on his death-bed,
having no other near relative living. Helena Catesby,
then Superior at Augsburg, was sent with Philippa.
This visit had remarkable results. The inhabitants
of the town were so struck with the Sisters when
attending Herr Baumfelder's funeral, and with all
they then heard of their work at Munich and Augs-
burg, that they invited them to come and found
there. The invitation was accepted for the Institute
by Catharine Dawson, and it was resolved to buy
the house which Philippa's brother had left to the
parish church, by adding to the sum he had be-
queathed to his sister. The public protection and
sanction of the Archbishop of Salzburg were obtained
as we know, and in 1683, Helena and Philippa, with
five other Sisters from Munich, went to settle at
Burghausen. The Capuchin and Jesuit Fathers there
welcomed them gladly, and assisted them in their
spiritual needs. An interesting manuscript chronicle
exists of the principal current events of the house
Helena Catesbys Diffictillies. 529
from the day of their arrival. It tells of many
difficulties which beset Helena in establishing the
convent, which needed a great and undaunted soul
such as her own to meet. Among these were the
great lack of money which for many years continually
pressed upon her. Indeed, there was none ready for
the purchase of the house itself, but the Providence
of God brought her speedy assistance, for her sister,
Mrs. Dormer, wrote to her from England to find
some investment in Germany for one thousand florins,
which she wished to place out on interest. This
was exactly the sum required, and Helena at once
completed the purchase. Her sister subsequently
made her a gift of the money.
She had, however, to seek in all directions for
means to support the house, to journey sometimes
to and fro to Munich to obtain audiences of the
Elector Max Emanuel for this purpose, and to
Salzburg and elsewhere to the Archbishop, and after
all the promised help was not always paid. The
houses of Munich and Augsburg assisted her as far
as they could, but had their own difficulties to contend
with. Besides these troubles, great opposition was
made by some of the inhabitants of Burghausen to
the erection of a chapel in 1687, and when this had
subsided and the building was finished, the Archbishop
of Salzburg, the successor of the prelate who had
sanctioned their coming into his diocese and had
given them a written permission, sent them a grave
message of displeasure that such a step had been
taken without his personal leave. This caused Helena
another journey. However, she at last obtained the
II 2
530 Permission for the Blessed Sacrament.
desired permission. Holy Mass was also allowed, but
on the condition that the door which had been made
into the street should be walled up, so that all externs
had to enter through the house of the community.
This unpleasant condition was not rescinded until the
year 1702.
The chapel of the house was dedicated to the
Holy Guardian Angels, to whom Helena had a special
devotion like Mary Ward. Her next work was to
obtain permission to keep the Blessed Sacrament in
the chapel. This cost many years of prayer and
labour and penance to effect, for the favour had to
be asked for at Rome, and was then but rarely granted.
There were many also who endeavoured to hinder
the Sisters from obtaining their petition, both seculars
and ecclesiastics. The community fasted for a year
every Tuesday, and offered prayers and many morti-
fications in honour of those saints who had the
greatest love to the Blessed Sacrament, and parti-
cularly to St. Antony of Padua, in whose intercession
Helena placed great confidence. The Benedictine
Fathers at Lerchenfeld interested themselves in behalf
of the community, and made the application for them
both at Salzburg and to the Holy See, and it was
to them that Helena was indebted for the favourable
answer finally received. But it Avas not until the
year 1693 that the Blessed Sacrament was placed in
the tabernacle, to the great joy of the household, and
above all, of Helena herself. During these events
the community had greatly increased. The first
postulants were received in 1687, and many others
followed. The schools also were in excellent repute,
Schools of the English Ladies, 531
and not only the children of the inhabitants of Burg-
hausen, but those from other parts of Bavaria, and
from Austria also, flocked to them to partake of
the unusual advantages which they offered. These
advantages were of a very important kind.
The education given by the English Ladies to
their pupils in the houses of the Institute was of a
very unusual excellence. There are no records left
of the exact course of instruction which they adopted
in their schools, but the short lives preserved of many
of their members who had been brought up by them
give ample proof of the solid nature of the learning
which they had received. They were taught Latin,
German, French, English, and Italian, and this not as
a smattering only, but so as to be able to speak,
read, and write in each language, and also to study
good authors in each. They were also instructed in
a variety of general knowledge, music, painting, and
embroidery. But beyond all these mental acquire-
ments were the careful culture and training of each
mind and character, so that the best of the powers
which God had bestowed on both were brought forth
and perfected to the utmost. Habits of self-control
and self-government were instilled and made strong
in them, and above all, they were instructed in the
fear and love of God which were made acceptable to
the pupils by the holy lives which they saw in their
teachers. The admirable characters and qualifications
of numerous members of the Institute during the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries who received this
education, tell sufficiently of its worth. The works
they accomplished, and the intercourse into which
532 Helenas holy life.
these works brought them with some of the most
eminent personages of their time, who entertained
for them a high esteem and veneration, also bear
witness to the value of their early training.
Helena's life did not belie the promise of her
childhood when she first was living with Mary-
Ward. She is said to have had some of that personal
charm of manner, the power in conversation of
attracting and winning others, which Mary possessed.
These aided Helena greatly in the difficult work of
her foundation. But she had also another means of
help far more powerful. It was currently believed
of her, that she got by her prayers all she asked, so
that every one had the utmost confidence in asking
them. Her virtues which were of the highest order justi-
fied this confidence. Her life was one of austerity and
penance, so that her companions said they were like a
pastime to her. Of these may be mentioned that,
having heard that she was called " the Fraulein with
the beautiful hands," she dipped them in lime at great
cost of sufifering to herself and defaced them perma-
nently. The love she had for the Blessed Sacrament
caused her to spend six or seven hours daily kneeling
before the Tabernacle in prayer, even in the intense
cold of winter, in spite of her many avocations, and
this even in old age when worn with bodily infirmities
and illness. There remain several volumes of manu-
script prayers in her handwriting, which show the
spiritual beauty of her soul and what her intercourse
with God had been. There are particular prayers for
the time of her death. She places each hour of the
day and each month of the year under the protection
Government of Catharine Dawson. 533
of some saint, to obtain her some special grace should
she die at that time. There are also prayers for "the
twenty-nine hours of the Passion." She died in 1701,
at the age of seventy, to the great grief of those she
governed. She lived to see the first steps taken
towards the Confirmation of the Institute under
Clement XI.
Catharine Dawson as General Superior had
watched over the interests of the new house at
Burghausen with great care, and given every help to it
which was in her power, each matter of importance
as it occurred having been referred to her. Catharine
was received into the house at Rome, probably by
Mary Ward herself, and had therefore the advantage
of living with her and knowing her mind and spirit.
She resided there almost entirely during the thirty-
three years for which she governed the Institute.
Great progress had been made, as we have seen,
towards its establishment on a solid and perma-
nent foundation while she was at the head, in which
she took a prominent part. Ten years after the
foundation at Burghausen was made, having obtained
the cooperation of the Elector and the Bishops of
Freysing and Augsburg, with that of the Archbishop
of Salzburg and others, Catharine presented the
petition for Confirmation to Innocent XII., and they
were laid before the Congregation of the Council of
Trent. This was in 1693, and in the following year
after a short deliberation, the petition was rejected.
The Bull of Pope Urban and the non-enclosure of
the members of the Institute were the two great
hindrances which lay in the way, and which at this
534 Anna Barbara Babthorpe.
time proved insurmountable. Catharine Dawson
suffered greatly from the failure. She died three
years subsequently, Mary Anna Barbara Babthorpe
being elected in her place in 1697. It was at
Catharine Dawson's wish that Father Tobias Lohner,
S.J., wrote the first German Life of Mary Ward,
which he dedicated to her in 1690.
Through the Providence of God, the choice of
the members of the Institute, in electing a successor
to Catharine Dawson, could not have fallen on a
more fitting person than Mary Anna Barbara Bab-
thorpe. It was a time when God was preparing
for the new Institute the great blessings of which
Mary Ward herself is said to have received the
promise. It was requisite that the instrument
He was to use should be adorned with gifts
proportionate to the work with which she was to
be intrusted. Such a fitting instrument was to be
found in Anna Barbara. She had a powerful mind,
great energy, a clear-sighted judgment, and to great
powers of endurance and perseverance in business,
united a holy life of mortification and prayer full of
exalted virtues. She possessed, too, the true spirit
of the Institute, having received it from her earliest
years from Mary Poyntz, to whom her father. Sir
Ralph Babthorpe, had committed her and her sister,.
Mary Agnes, at the ages of four and five years.
Anna Barbara entered the Institute upon reach-
ing her fifteenth year, at Augsburg, where she went
with Mary Poyntz at the time of the foundation.
She was at Rome when chosen as the successor of
Catharine Dawson. She seems to have possessed
Petition to the Holy See. 535
some portion of Mary Ward's brave-heartedness and
fearless, venturesome courage, for, in spite of the
unpromising aspect of affairs, with the recently re-
jected petition of Catharine before her eyes, she began,
from her first entering upon her office, to labour for
the Confirmation of the Institute. With this view she
returned directly to Bavaria, and employed herself
in perfecting the interior order of the houses. She
had all the papers and documents. Rules and Con-
stitutions arranged, so that they could be inspected
when required. All that regarded the various offices,
the household and the schools, was also set in order,
that every tradition and custom might be perfectly
kept. The library was also replenished with new
books for the use of the community and the schools.
Above all, an extensive system of intercessory prayer
was set on foot by Anna Barbara for the good success
of the petition, so greatly desired by every member
among them, to the Sacred Heart, the Guardian
Angels, and the Patron Saints of the Institute, which
she placed under the special patronage of St. Joseph.
Finally, she at once began to apply to various princely
and ecclesiastical personages for letters in its behalf
to the Holy See.
The great favour in which the English Ladies
and Anna Barbara herself personally stood with the
Elector and his family, encouraged her to lose no
time in these preparations. They had entertained the
highest regard for her even from her childhood, and
when she was chosen to succeed Barbara Constable
as the Superior at Munich, this regard was shown
in a very marked way, still further increased after
53^ Gift of Paradeiser Haus.
her election as head of the Institute. The Paradeiser
Haus was in a very dilapidated state. Hitherto
it was only inhabited by the English Ladies as
tenants at will, though paying no rent. In the year
1691, the Elector Max Emanuel changed the loan
into a gift, and in bestowing the house upon them
for ever, he, with noble munificence, further undertook
to rebuild it at a cost of forty-two thousand florins.
The city and the Jesuit Fathers each gave a gift
of stones for the new building. Still, from the magni-
ficence of the plans made by the Electoral architect,
the English Ladies had a large debt left on their
hands, and they themselves had much blame thrown
upon them for building such a princely habitation,
though the choice had not rested with them.
In the new house in the upper oratory, which had
a grille looking down upon the miraculous picture
of our Lady in the Gruft, an altar was erected by
Anna Barbara, in honour of the Humility of our
Lady, and a Confraternity was founded, for which
Indulgences were obtained from the Holy See, be-
sides those which were granted to the chapel of the
community. The Confraternity had many bene-
factors, who left money for a lamp to be perpe-
tually burning before the altar, and for Masses, and
the like. These revenues were confiscated by the
State at the secularization, and the Confraternity
ceased to exist.*
A remarkable occurrence which had taken place
* A Convent of the Institute, in honour of the Humility of our
Lady, is being erected at Ascot, Berks, by the nuns of Haverstock
Hill, London, N.W.
A marvellous incident. 537
some years before Anna Barbara became General
Superior, may here be named, as she brought it again
to hght and had it investigated. A profession was
taking place in the Chapel of the Paradeiser Haus
at Munich, and the novice had already pronounced
her vows before the Blessed Sacrament, the priest
holding the Consecrated Host in his hands. When
she was about, immediately after, to receive It, the
Sacred Particle fell out of her mouth on to the
ground. The nun in her terror withdrew, and did
not attempt to receive Communion again. The priest
folded a linen cloth and placed it on the ground
where the Consecrated Host had fallen, but when
he came to remove it, he found that it was stained
through and through with a mark the size of the
Host, and of the colour of blood. He endeavoured in
vain to wash this out, but after three attempts to do
so, left it as it was. The whole occurrence was kept
a secret and told to none of the nuns, in order not
to give pain to the Sister who had occasioned it. But
she shortly left the community. She had made her
vows with the reserved intention of not keeping them,
but of leaving the religious state, and thus it was
believed that God permitted the marvel as a sign of
His displeasure at her intention, and of His protect-
ing care over the vows of the new Institute, The
cloth was carefully put away, but some circumstance
recalled its existence to Anna Barbara's memory in
1705, when it was found to be in the same state.
She wrote a note of the whole matter and signed
it and fastened it to the cloth, and the priest who
had known of it at the time, who is supposed
53^ Foundation at Mindelkeim.
to be Father Tobias Lohrxer, who relates it,^ signed
it also. Twenty years afterwards the marks were
still to be seen, as an eye-witness relates.
While Anna Barbara was actively engaged in
forwarding the interests of the Institute at Munich,
another important foundation was made in the year
1701. Febronia, Duchess of Tiirkheim, wife of Maxi-
milian Philip of Bavaria, a son of Maximilian I.,
had desired for some years to found a house for
the English Ladies at Mindelheim, one of the chief
towns of the Principality. When Elisabeth Ran-
tienne was Superior at Augsburg, the Duchess pressed
her suit with success and also obtained her petition,
that Elisabeth, whom she greatly loved, should
be sent to Mindelheim for this purpose. A house
was bought and a yearly revenue settled upon the
community by the pious Duchess, and shortly after
she built a church for the Sisters, which was dedi-
cated to the Sacred Heart and solemnly opened on
that feast, with many Masses from the Jesuit Fathers
of the place and other priests. Here after her death
the Duchess was buried. Elisabeth Rantienne was
one of those gifted and saintly souls with which
the Institute was, as we have seen, so abundantly
adorned. She was English by birth, and had been
educated at Paris by Winefrid Wigmore. She
accompanied Mary Poyntz to Bavaria. Her mental
powers were far above the ordinary measure, and
her ability in governing great. So great were her
virtues that she had been permitted to take a vow
' Gottseliges Leben, p. 78. The cloth disappeared, like many other
valuables, at the secularization in 1S09.
Petition to Clement XI. 539
of perfection of the same kind as that made by
St Teresa. She died at the age of eighty-four,
having followed the exercises of the community to
the last, even when blind and suffering great infir-
mities. She learned to spin at the age of eighty,
when unable otherwise to occupy herself, in order
not to spend her time in idleness. The house at
Mindelheim had not been long founded when the
War of the Succession broke out, and the Duke of
Marlborough with his troops occupied the town.
The English Ladies received many courtesies from
him.^ Their house was spared by the soldiers, and
when the Dukedom was bestowed upon him, he put
them in possession of the lands and revenue which
had been promised them when they went to Mindel-
heim. The house flourished, and all the children
of the town were sent to the schools of the com-
munity.
Anna Barbara's energetic preparations for her
petitions to the Holy See received a further en-
couragement by the death of Pope Innocent and
the election of his successor, Clement XL, in the
year 1700, with whom the Electoral family were in
great favour from Max Emanuel's successes in the
Turkish War. The Elector took the warmest interest
in the cause of the English Ladies, and entrusted
it in 1 70 1 to his own agent, Scarlati, in Rome, and
to the Dean of the Cathedral, Constante, both of
whom laboured with great zeal in their behalf Their
prayer for Confirmation was presented by Scarlati,
^ Letters from the Duke to the nuns at Mindelheim are in the
Archives at Nymphenburg.
540 Arguments used.
and backed up by letters from the Bishops in whose
dioceses the various houses of the Institute were
situated in Germany and England, from the Elector
Max Emanuel and the Electress, the Duke of Tiirk-
heim his uncle, and from Mary Beatrice, widow of
James II., then at St. Germains, and also by the good
offices at Rome of the Queen of Poland, the mother
of the Electress.
Clement referred the matter at once to the Con-
gregation of the Council of Trent, and as he had
himself been, as a Cardinal, concerned in the same
cause eight years previously, he commanded that the
difficult points should be discussed before him. These
were the same which had then lost the English Ladies
their cause, namely, the Bull of Urban VIII., non-
enclosure, and the office of General Superior. But
the experience gained at that time had fore-armed
their advocates on the present occasion. A paper
had been skilfully drawn up which met all these
difficulties. It showed as to the first, that the Bull
did not touch the petitioners, since nothing condemned
there was practised by them. For the second, it was
shown that unenclosed religious had received con-
firmation from the Holy See, as the Ursulines in
Switzerland and elsewhere, and that in the present
instance it was not an Order, in the technical sense
of the word, but a religious Congregation or pious
Institute, for which the favour was asked. As to the
third great difficulty, the office of Chief Superior, a
novelty in the Church, in the case of religious women,
the statement drawn up by Father Leonard Lessius
was brought forward to prove that the office was not
The Confirmation. 541
one of jurisdiction, as in the case of Orders of men,
but, as that learned theologian describes it when held
by Mary Ward, one meant to promote the union and
welfare of the whole Institute, by watching over the
needs of all the Houses and securing both exact obser-
vance, and also their mutual help in times of difficulty,
or when opportunities of further good offered them-
selves. Clement finally closed the arguments used
on this third objection, by his decisive words already
quoted, Lasciate govcrnare le donne dalle donne.
The Rules and interior organization and govern-
ment, the way of life as practised, the construction
of the buildings and other matters, were then exa-
mined. The religious dress or habit also was inquired
into, when a pattern of that in use, and ever since
worn, being an adaptation of what ladies in the world
wore in the middle of the seventeenth century when
in mourning, was sent to Rome and approved.'^ The
discussions lasted on through the year 1702, and at
length, on June 13, 1703, the Bull of Confirmation
was issued, and sent, together with a Brief from the
Pope, to the Elector Max Emanuel, who was also
named Protector of the Institute. Anna Barbara
had petitioned for the Confirmation of "The Institute
of Mary," and under this title it received the Papal
approval. The Rule was copied into the Bull, and
the interior organization left untouched. In 1706
another Papal Brief placed the Institute formally
under episcopal jurisdiction. So satisfied was Clement
with the whole status of the Institute, that he ex-
pressed his willingness to give at once the second
7 See Note II. to Book VIII.
542 Non-enclosure.
and final approbation requisite, if the members would
accept enclosure. But, faithful to the original design
and the spirit which had been handed down from
generation to generation, the value of which they
had themselves tested, the members preferred ac-
cepting the first Confirmation only, and remaining
unenclosed as before, though the non-enclosure was
to be exercised under certain narrower limits, as it
exists to this day among them.
CHAPTER VII.
TJie New Institute.
1703— 1885.
We have seen how the gradual recognition of the
value of the Institute by the Bishops of Germany-
opened the way, through their public protection of
the houses at Munich, Augsburg, and Burghausen,
to the long-desired grace of Papal confirmation. The
houses in England had also contributed largely in
bringing about this happy conclusion. Those at York
and Hammersmith formed a flourishing branch of
the Institute of Mary, the more precious in the eyes
of Him Whose Providence was guiding each event,
whether propitious or adverse, to the destined end,
from their difficult position in the midst of Protestant
persecution and enmity. From the very place which
had proved Mary Ward's greatest hindrance in her
petitions to the Holy See — her own country — the
patience and enduring virtues of her own children
came to be the means of eliciting the approval which
she had in vain sought from English Catholic ecclesi-
astics. Their opposition had formerly turned the scale
against her. Their approval, it cannot be doubted,
had equal weight in winning the confirmation of the
Institute. The Vicar-Apostolic, Dr. Leyburn, Bishop
544 Fresh Foundations.
of Adrumetum, wrote to Innocent XII. in 1699 to
recommend the English ladies and their work, and to
ask for the Papal approbation of their rule, and of
themselves as a religious body. He writes in terms
of high favour of the houses at York and Hammer-
smith, and says that he does so, not only from the
word of others, but from his own personal knowledge
of their merits. This letter is inserted in the Acts of
the Confirmation under Clement XI. The ex-Queen,
Mary Beatrice, also wrote to the Pope of " the
edification she had received from the virtues and
regular life of the English ladies, commonly called
of Mary."
The Papal Confirmation gave a fresh impetus to
the whole work of the Institute. Subjects entered
abundantly, and several new houses were forthwith
founded. It is true that with scarcely an exception
they were begun in poverty, carried on amidst
opposition and misunderstandings of friends as well
as opposers, secular and ecclesiastical, many hardships
and daily mortifications of all kinds. Yet through all
are to be found wonderful interpositions of God's
Providence in their behalf, finally triumphing over
every difficulty, so that these foundations live on to
the present time, and since their revival, after the
heaviest of all their trials, the secularization in the
early years of the nineteenth century, have prospered
and increased fourfold. A few words only can be
given to point out some among the numerous
remarkable incidents which are recorded, and the
characters connected with them.
St. Polten was the first place where a foundation
6V. Pblten and Bamberg. 545
was made after Pope Clement's Bull, It was thus that
Austria, in the year 1706, re-welcomed the English
ladies, as of old in the days of Mary Ward. The
Emperor Joseph gave a ready consent to their
settlement in his dominions, and the Empress
Elisabeth laid the first stone of their church. In
1742 the houses in Austria and its dependencies
were, by a Bull of Benedict XIV., made a separate
Province of the Institute, and placed under a separate
Superior-General. The next foundation in order of
time was at Bamberg. Anna Maria von Rehling,
who headed it, was another of the great and holy
souls whom Almighty God drew into the Institute.
She was fully imbued with its spirit, derived through
Mary Poyntz, and we may see her devotion to its
interests in her words when temporarily appointed
Vicaress over the whole body. " We are all children
of this glorious mother," she writes in 171 1 to
England, concerning Mary Ward, " and therefore
will rather lose our lives than let ourselves be drawn
or separated from the Corpus that cost her so much
labour and sufiferance." The office of General Supe-
rior, though allowed, was not as yet approved by the
Holy See. It was for many years an object of jealousy,
and both Anna Barbara Babthorpe and her sister,
who succeeded her, as well as Anna Maria Rehling,
who from her gifted mind and eminent virtues was
the sharer of their confidence and of their troubles,
had to partake of the difficulties and annoyances
arising from this. Anna governed the new house at
Bamberg with great prudence amidst its early diffi-
culties for twenty years, and in 1727 the church was
JJ 2
546 Alt-CEtting.
consecrated, with the remarkable dedication to the
Allerheiligste Sieben Ziifltichten (the Seven Most
Holy Refuges).^ Anna Maria died in 1737. The
body of one of the nuns, which is believed to be hers,
lies incorrupt to the present day in the vaults under
the church.
The year 1721 brought two new foundations, that
at Alt-CEtting from Munich, and at Meran from
Augsburg. The former was begun under the suc-
cessor of Mary Agnes Babthorpe, Magdalena von
Schnegg, who went that year to Alt-CEtting with
five religious. The Archbishop of Salzburg, the
civil authorities at Burghausen, and others, helped to
give them means of subsistence, and their schools
were opened and filled by degrees. Yet at first
poverty pressed sorely upon them, as in every other
foundation, and at the end of her three years'
superiority, Elisabeth von Giggenbach found herself
with but ten gulden (about £\ English) in hand.
She was re-elected, and in great anxiety as to how
to support her community, as all incomings had been
paid. She wept and prayed long before a picture of
St. Joseph, entreating him to be henceforth their
foster-father and procurator. Some impulse made
her go once more to look in her cash-box, when to
her joy and surprise she found there five hundred
gulden {£s^)- Consoled and encouraged, her zeal
and energy were redoubled, and after some years
she found herself enabled to purchase four other
' Namely, the Most Holy Trinity, the Precious Blood, the Blessed
Sacrament, our Blessed Lady, the Holy Angels, the Saints, the Holy
Souls in Purgatory.
Meran. 547
houses, which lodged a community of twenty religious
and one hundred and thirty pupils, and besides this
she built the church, which was dedicated to
St. Joseph.
The twin foundation of Meran underwent a
preparatory ordeal of no ordinary kind. Francesca
Hauserin and her five companions, upon the invita-
tion of one or two only of the inhabitants, entered
upon a house which, though theirs, was unpaid for.
The Augsburg house gave them no means of support,
the schools were very small, and so much was the
poverty of their work and community apparent, that
they were mocked at and ridiculed in the streets, and
evil reports spread abroad of them. The day on
which they had bread enough to eat was like a
festival ; the older nuns would eat only half a portion,
in order that their younger and weaker sisters might
have enough, and when the larder was quite empty
they said a Rosary instead of having dinner. The
river, swollen from the mountain streams, often threat-
ened to demolish their little dwelling. They had only
five rooms, and the nuns gave those which could be
warmed to their pupils, and lived without fire them-
selves. Rent-day was one of the most anxious expec-
tation, for they were continually in danger of being
turned into the street, as they had nothing to pay.
At length, after five years of endurance, there came a
prospect of relief, for a postulant, with some means,
asked for admission. The pious Francesca at once
said to her, " I cannot ask you to enter, for from
day to day we do not know where to get bread to
eat." " All that is little to me," was her courageous
548 Franc esca Hauserin.
reply ; " what does for you will do for me." She
would take no refusal, and was finally professed.
The fervent prayers of these devoted souls had been
heard, for soon afterwards another pupil with a large
fortune resisted every temptation to go elsewhere and
joined their community, and besides this, a lady in
the Netherlands, who had never seen the English
ladies at Meran, left them a large legacy, which was
one day put into the hands of the astonished
Superior. She received it like a gift from Heaven,
as indeed it truly was. From this time their com-
munity and their schools increased, and children
were received from all parts of the Tyrol.
But it was through this severe course of training
that Francesca was prepared for a far more arduous
post and far more searching trials. After governing
the house at Meran for twenty years, and being the
instrument of its growth and increasing prosperity,
she was chosen to succeed Magdalena von Schnegg
as Chief Superior of the Institute. This office she
would not accept for some time. She did so finally as
an act of obedience, and not without many tears.
She had great abilities and talents which eminently
fitted her to cope with the difficult task which lay
before her, one for which the exercise of her admir-
able virtues of humility and of self-contempt were
no less necessary. It was upon the election of a
successor to Mother Magdalena that the Institute was
exposed to a heavy trial in the differences which
arose between the nuns of Mindelheim and the
Bishop of Augsburg. There was danger to a part
of the original organization under a Chief Superior,
A difficult time. 549
whom he forbade them to obey. The cause was
taken to Rome in 1745, after the Bishop had laid the
house of Mindelheim under an interdict. The nuns
of that house had also exposed themselves to great
blame in ignorantly paying greater honour to Mary
Ward than is permitted by the Church to holy
persons before canonization.
Though the suit at Rome, as far as the govern-
ment of the Institute was affected, ended in the final
establishment of the office of Chief or General Superior,
yet that office was no easy one for the four years in
which the cause was pending, or in those immediately
succeeding the Bull. Francesca Hauserin who filled it
had, during these early years after her election, to
guide her Sisters at Augsburg and Mindelheim in
their difficult position, and to strengthen the fright-
ened and discouraged members of the Institute
generally, who were full of alarm as to the result of
that troubled time to their whole body. In her
humility she offered to lay down her office ; " so that
it be conferred," she writes, " on another member of
the Institute be it who it may, I hope a corner will
be found for me to dwell in. But that the office be
dropped entirely ! — you must do all according to your
conscience to maintain it, or else all is over with us,
and we lose more than we can understand now."
But, meanwhile, her measures were energetic and
taken with great prudence. She was much esteemed
by the Elector and Electress, and their intervention
at Rome, which she at once besought, was of eminent
service there in the difficult and lengthened suit.
P'rancesca lived ten years after the cause was
550 Gifts of grace.
ended and died a holy death in 1759. She possessed
an eminent gift of contrition of spirit and holy tears,
which would burst forth involuntarily when the
unfaithfulness of some, or the zealous deeds of others
were spoken of, for she would say the tepidity and
infidelity which alone she saw in herself forced them
from her. God led her soul through dark paths of
desolation and apparent abandonment during the
long anxious years of her government. Yet amidst
the many vexations and mortifications which beset
her she would possess her soul in peace, and even
say, " I have deserved all — may the will of God be
blessed." To complete the history of Francesca
Hauserin and justly appreciate the good Providence
of God in placing her to guide the Institute at so
troublous a period, we must pass on fifty years after
her death to the disastrous time of the secularization
of religious houses. In 1809 the English Ladies had
received a warning that they would have to leave
their beautiful dwelling in Munich, and that, as a pre-
paratory measure, the vault under the chapel where
their dead members had been buried for a hundred
years was to be cleared out, and the bodies sent to the
public cemetery of the city. The Government sent
their agents to perform the task. A description of
what followed is given in a letter from a nun of the
house to her cousin belonging to the Institute at
Alt-CEtting.2
"The night before last, at nine o'clock, our dead
were dug up out of the vault and taken away to the
cemetery, except the General Superior, Baroness
' From the archives of the Convent at Alt-CEtting.
Incorruption after death. 551
von Hauserin, who has lain fifty years in the vault
and is incorrupt. Her hands were laid across each
other, as the custom is with the dead. In one she
held the rule-book, in the other the crucifix, and so
tightly that great force had to be used to take the
latter from her. The book is as beautiful as if it had
been put away in a box. The grave-digger tried
with all his strength to break up the blessed body,
but in vain. Yesterday she stood in a corner of the
vault as upright as a wax candle. Her countenance is
very like the picture of her which hung in my room.
The nails on her fingers are as white as those of
a living person. I kissed her hand and took secretly
a little piece of the thin black veil, which together
with a white cloth, hung over her face. Her scapular^
with a picture of our Lady and blue strings, is
quite whole. The police were informed and one of
them was placed as a guard. The police director
was astonished and said he had never seen such a
thing in his life. He had her laid in a coflfin and
buried at night in a place by herself in the cemetery."
The occurrence made a great noise in the city, and
"many persons came to the vault to see the body.
Three days after she had been re-buried, she was
again taken out of the grave and carried to the
Academy of Science where the body was opened
and the interior found to be as fresh as if she had
died the day before."^ It was then replaced in the
public cemetery.
There was another holy soul who was concerned
in the same troublous strife as Francesca Hauserin,
^ Letter in the archives of the Institute at Bamberg.
552 Schools of the Institute.
havings journeyed and spent days and nights in writing
for the same cause, and on whom Ahnighty God
bestowed the same outward marks of the large gifts
of grace He had bestowed upon her. This was
Josepha von Mansdorff, the Superior of Burghausen.
Her exalted virtues were well known through the
•whole Institute, in which she was greatly beloved.
When the dead were removed from the vault under
the chapel to the churchyard of the town, Josepha
was also found to be incorrupt. The stone cover was
replaced over the niche in which the body reposes,
and she was left and is still in the vault, where for
many years of her life she had been in the habit of
spending night after night in prayer and intercession.
To return to the middle of the eighteenth century.
Fresh foundations were undertaken every few years,
and the older houses increased both in the number
of their members and in the amount of their v/ork.
Besides their pupils within the houses and day-
boarders of the upper class, the Volk-Schule — what
would now in England answer to the Board Schools,
as to the amount of education given — were given into
the hands of the English Ladies, so that the whole
of the children of each town were under their
instruction. The community at Munich numbered
between fifty and sixty at this period, those at the
other houses were in proportion, according to the
length of their foundation. Tke dreary time of the
French Revolution and the threatened dissolution
of all religious houses in 1802, filled the members of
the Institute with anxiety as to their own fate. In
1803, the enclosed convents were dissolved, and for
Secularization. 553
six years the English Ladies were uncertain whether
the Institute would be allowed to remain. At length,
however, in 1809, the fatal decree was issued, and
every house received the notice that the schools were
to be turned into secular schools, as the Institute was
suppressed, and no further novices were to be taken.
The decree was carried out with greater severity
in some instances than in others. At Munich, where
the suppression began, the community consisted of
forty members. The Paradeiser Haus, and all their
property, was taken from them, and they themselves
received each a very small yearly pension for their
life. The General Superior, Francesca Schafifman,
only survived two years, and no other was chosen in
her room. At Mainz the nuns had, a few years
previously, to put on the tricoloured cockade, and
teach in secular clothing. But when ISTapoleon
appeared there, the house was spared, by the inter-
cession of the Bishop, and their property restored to
the community. Napoleon signed the decree, when
in camp, on a drum-head, on the condition that all
connection with Bavaria, which he hated, should
cease.
In Austria, the Imperial protection saved the
Institute, and the houses were able to carry on their
work as usual. But in Bavaria the only exception
was at Augsburg, and partially at Burghausen and
Alt - CEtting, where the two communities were
constrained to live together, at first in the former
place, and finally at Alt-CEtting, the members having
the alternative offered them of each receiving a
pension and living where they would, which all
554 Heirlooms at Augsburg.
declined. At Augsburg, the decree was not carried
out Only an order was sent not to receive novices.
The Commissioners sent to examine the house and
take a note of its property, found all in such perfect
order under the government of the gifted Superior
Josepha von Feiertag, that they contented themselves
with carrying off the church plate, leaving the nuns
in possession of their house and property. The nuns
at Mindelheim were, however, deprived of everything
and sent to live with heir Sisters at Augsburg.
The house of the Institute at Augsburg therefore
remains to the present time in its original state as
founded by Mary Poyntz, from the fact of the nuns
never having been driven out. It is to this cause
that the present generation are indebted for the
possession of two valuable ■ heirlooms which have
come down to them, both dating from Mary Poyntz
who brought them to the house. These are, first, the
series of pictures which have been named as the
Painted Life in this biography, consisting of a series
of fifty-two large oil paintings which hung in the
long corridors of the convent. Few saintly persons
have such a valuable testimony to their life, existing
two hundred years after their death, such as these
pictures, painted under the superintendence of eye-
witnesses of what they pourtray. We know of the
painted life of St. Francis at Assisi, and, it may be, two
or three others, but the examples are rare. They are
therefore a treasure not sufficiently to be appreciated.
The second reminiscence of Mary Poyntz and her
loving care for God's honour, are the relics of the mar-
tyred priests, the Rev. J. Lockwood and E. Catherick,
Light seen in the church. 555
already mentioned as given to the care of the English
Ladies in Yorkshire. These sacred relics are pre-
served in an ancient ebony box with glass sides
and lined with satin. They remained in the little
chapel of the infirmary untouched, and finally for-
gotten by the community. An inquiry from England
as to their existence in 1879 was at last the cause of a
search being made, but no one knew anything about
them. At length an aged Sister who had care of the
infirmary, on hearing the names of the martyrs, recog-
nized them as the words which she had been told by
her predecessor in that office to say over every day.
The names were written on the label of a little key in
her bunch. This clue proved the right one, and the
relics, including nearly the whole of the bones of
the martyred priests, were found in the box, together
with the parchment certificate of their identity and
the cause of their death.
There is another fact concerning the time-
honoured house at Augsburg worthy of mention
here, though, in this instance, no clue remains
affording any explanation. The chapel, or rather the
church, of the house, as we have seen, is dedicated to
the Sacred Heart. There is in it the body of a
martyr sent from Rome from the Catacombs two
centuries ago. From time to time the church is
filled during the night with a marvellous and
glittering light, white and dazzling, which lasts for
many hours, and then dies away. No one who
stays up to watch for its coming ever sees it, but
nuns sitting up with the sick, and going for a few
minutes to pray there during the dead of night,
55^ Thne of war.
have entered the dim church with only the h'ght of
the lamp before the Blessed Sacrament to guide
their way, and as they knelt, the whole interior has
been filled with a glorious brilliancy which lit up
every object there as with the light of day, while at
times the sound as of wings flitting to and fro has been
heard. Opposite neighbours or passers in the street
have knocked up the household with the belief that
there was a fire. Those who have seen the light wit-
ness to its effect in calming the soul and filling it with
peace as they knelt, while others are moved to tears
of contrition and love of God. The sight of it
once, thus unexpectedly, cured a young lay-sister
of a temptation to give up her holy calling and
return to the world, and she died a holy death,
thanking God for that night which had restored her to
His service. This light has been seen from an
unknown time up to the present day, and the fact
of its appearance in the church has been handed
down from one generation of nuns to another.
During the years preceding and following upon
the secularization, war had been spreading through
Germany, and the nuns had their school duties
broken into, by their houses being filled with the sick
and wounded soldiers quartered upon them. Their
dormitories and schoolrooms had to be turned into
hospitals, while they themselves devoted their time
and strength to the service of the invalids. They
cooked and baked and washed for them, found them
linen, dressed their wounds and attended to their
needs, and, in short, performed all those offices to-
wards them which fall under the duty of a Sister of
The Irish Branch. 557
Charity in her vocation. This was done with such
charity and cheerful willingness and cost to them-
selves, that they universally won the respect and
esteem of their patients.
To turn once more to England during this
anxious period. Though the house at Hammer-
smith had gradually failed, the convent at York
had been prospering with its quiet hidden work,
effecting more than can be told for the preservation
of the Catholic faith in the country through those
apparently hopeless years. Generations of holy
and devoted nuns had lived and worked and died
within its walls. Finally, in the year 1821, at about
the time when life was reviving for the Institute
abroad, the Irish branch of the Institute was founded
by Mrs. Ball, who had passed her novitiate at York.
This great and noble work has been wonderfully
blessed and increased by God. We know that
Ireland had a distinct place in Mary Ward's heart,
for its name is found in her own handwriting with
those of other countries where she hoped to extend
her plans. She could hardly have looked forward to
so fruitful an expansion of the work of the Institute,
to lands of which she could only have heard as
heathen and barbarous. Such has been the good gift
of God reserved by His Providence for the Irish nuns
of the Institute to undertake, and well have they
traded with the talent committed to them. Besides
the numerous communities in Ireland, there are
houses depending on them in Asia, Africa, and
America, all bringing in a rich harvest of souls,
and training up the young as faithful Catholics
amidst the infidelity everywhere rife.
55^ Revival in Germany.
During the early growth in Ireland of this im-
portant and vigorous offshoot from the parent stem,
the long period of patient waiting and endurance
for the Institute in Germany was ending with the
return of peaceful days to the whole of Europe,
and the houses there, one after another, received
the permission to take novices again. But the joy
which this occasioned was not unmixed with pain,
for there were few of the older members of the
Institute left to partake in it. In the larger houses
only three or four survived out of the several
communities. Numerous postulants however began
at once to ask for admission. At Augsburg as many
as nineteen presented themselves for immediate
entrance. The Augsburg house was therefore soon
able to bestow both members and Superiors upon
three of the exhausted communities, thus help-
ing to give them, as it were, a fresh existence, and
starting them anew on their work of education.
Finally, in 1835, King Louis I. sought for nuns from
Augsburg to establish a community of the English
Ladies at Nymphenburg. One of the wings of the
Royal Palace had been given by his predecessors
a hundred years before to Nuns of Notre Dame,
who had schools there until the secularization.
These schools were carried on under secular teachers
for twenty years. On the arrival of the religious
from Augsburg with Madame Catharine de Graccho
as Superior, the pupils were transferred to the nuns,
while some of the Ladies, who had before managed
the school, entered the Institute and were subse-
quently professed. In 1840, Madame Catharine was
spread of the Institute. 559
appointed General Superior of the whole Bavarian
Institute by Pope Gregory XVI. and she was
solemnly installed in her office at Nymphenburg in
the presence of all the Superiors.
From the time of this completion of the restora-
tion of the more ancient portion of the Institute, its
growth and extension have far exceeded even its
early promise. Before the secularization the houses
in Germany were only seventeen in number. In
1840, when the Pope placed a General Superior at
their head, the members of the crippled Institute
in Germany exclusive of Austria did not amount
to 200. Since this time, the houses, including the
filials with four to seven or eight members each,
have increased to 69, and the members to above
1600. Among these are to be reckoned a large
settlement at Bucharest, where a very extensive work
is carried on for its mixed population, in which all
nations and all religions are to be found. There are
four houses in India. The Austrian dependencies
besides are thirteen in number, three of them being
houses in Italy. All the above named communities
maintain the same customs and observances, and
interchange members from time to time if need be.
We must also add to them the houses in England,
including the venerable convent at York, the oldest
community of religious women in the country which
has never existed elsewhere, and about fifty houses of
the Irish branch, from which are to be found com-
munities in America, India, and many of the colonies
and dependencies of the British Crown. At the
present moment, therefore, there are few Institutes
560 Approbation by Pius IX.
in the Church whose members are more numerous
or more widely spread throughout the world.
In 1877 Pius IX. gave the final approbation to
the whole Institute. Thus has been at last accom-
plished the darling wish of those devoted souls of
whom Mary Ward was the leader and the Mother.
The seed sown in tears has sprung up and covered
the land with beauty and fruitfulness. God has given
the increase, and the Church has crowned the labours
of her faithful children by the approval which is at
once the reward of their loyalty, and the earnest and
promise of enduring abundance in the glorious harvest
in which they are now the rejoicing reapers.
NOTE.
It is to the devotion and industry of the community
of the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Haver-
stock Hill, that English Catholics oive the researches
which have produced the present volumes. In the midst
of their own struggles against enormous difficulties, they
have been able to find time to go through the many
scattered documents which exist not only in England,
but, in far greater numbers, in the archives of the
houses in Germany, by means of which so much new
light has been throum on the lives and characters of
Mary Ward and her associates. Everywhere they
have found their religiojis Sisters and others, in
whose possession these docutnents remain, always ready
to assist them ivith the most active sympathy, and if
there has been no attempt made to enumerate those to
whom they are thus indebted, this must be set down
to the fact that their helpers have been so mafiy.
{EDITOR.)
Notes to Book VIII. 561
NOTES TO BOOK VIII.
Note I. — A copy of a letter from Rev. Father Paul Robin-
son, Sacrce AnglicancB Congre. Ordinis Ste. Benedicti, to
Mrs. Mary Points, in answer to one, she wrot to him to
set downe, what he most noted in our dearest Mother, Mrs.
Mary Ward of happy metnory (p. 512).
My dr. and kind Friend, — I am forced to acknowledge the
receipt of yours out of the West, two hundred miles from
London, neither have I it now with me, therefore, if I omit
answering any particulars, pardon the fault of memory. I will
let passe your holy courtship, wishing you would forbeare such
expressions, as you would not wish me to believe of myselfe,
who am a poor creature every way, and much poorer, if I were
ignorant of that truth, which everybody knows (and I have
more reason) and therefore more obligation to know, than any
other). And I must let passe the other part wherein you
demand an account of what I had observed in our dear Mother.
I guesse your designe, and love you for it ; let one saint labour
for another, was the saying of a third saint. God grant it
might be as well verified in us who live, as I am confident
it is of her who is gone before us, and I pray God it may be
to provide a place for us, though far from her, who is neare
the Great One. But truly I can say nothing with satisfaction
to myselfe, though I have great feelings of her merits. For
wisdome and vertue are not discovered by any particular act,
as their contraries are, but by a constant tenure and adhesion
to that unum necessarium. Which requires light from the
same Spirit to discerne it, and those who conversed with her
might see a great riches, wherewith to oblige everybody in
the midst of real poverty ; a resignation, or more properly such
an indifference, as if there were nothing in this world a fit
matter of resignation, in the midst of present pains in extremity,
and absolute uncertainty of all things for the future ; a charity
KK 2
562 Notes to Book VIII.
that rather laboured to excuse the faults committed against
her than to think they needed to be forgiven ; and a continuall
commerce with God, as if there had been none living but they
two, with a wonderful equalness of mind in the inequality she
met with in health, and all other temporal things, as if she had
not lived in sense but in faith of the things that appeare not.
But all this and what I can say is short of what I feele, believe
and know beyond my expressions. I hope she prays for us in
Heaven, and you on earth, for I need all the mercies of God,
and the charity of His saints to become such as I ought, and
such as may make me worth your owning for.
My dear friend,
Your faithfuU servant,
Brother Robinson.
A manuscript letter of the year 1727, in the Nymphenburg
Archives, from a Benedictine Father of Ratisbon, Father
Baillie, states that " P. James Robinson was Professor of
Divinity in the Gregorian College at Douay, an. 1625. He
was sent to the English Missions in 1630, where he died in
1652. He was three years in Newgate prison, but got free by
bail, an. 1647.'' Father Robinson must have become acquainted
therefore with Mary Ward during her last visit to England,
and it was probably with reference to her projected biography
that Mary Poyntz wrote to him.
NOTE n. (p. 541.)
The dress which was approved of by the Holy See as the
religious habit of the Institute of Mary is not that in which
Mary Ward appears in the Frontispiece to this volume. We
know from Winefrid Wigmore's biography that she only sat
twice for her likeness. The oil painting from which this print
is taken is the second of the two original pictures existing of
her, and was sent from the Paradeiser Haus to the Institute at
Alt-CEtting, where it now is, at the time of the secularization
in 1809. The date of the picture and the artist are equally
unknown, but it is believed to have been taken after the
Suppression by Pope Urban. This is corroborated by the
increase of years, manifest in the countenance, and also by
Notes to Book VIII. 563
the dress, that of a secular lady in, perhaps widow's, mourning,
which she adopted upon discarding what the Bull forbade.
The habit previous to that time is shown in the Frontispiece
to Volume I.
No further explanation is requisite concerning this picture,
but it may be as well to add here Winefrid Wigmore's remarks
as to Mary Ward's general appearance. She says : " She was
rather tall but her figure was symmetrical. Her complexion
was delicately beautiful, her countenance and aspect most
agreeable, mingled with I know not what which was attractive.
Two times she yielded to the exceeding importunity of certain
most deserving friends and allowed herself to be taken. Her
presence and conversation were most winning, her manners
courteous. It was a general saying, ' she became whatsoever
she wore or did.' Her voice in speaking was very grateful
and in song melodious. In her demeanour and carriage, an
angelic modesty was united to a refined ease and dignity of
manner, that made even Princes find great satisfaction, yea,
profit, in conversing with her. Yet these were withal without
the least affectation and were accompanied with such meek-
ness and humility as gave confidence to the poorest and most
miserable. There was nothing she did seem to have more
horror of, than that there should be anything in herself or
hers that might put a bar to the free access of any who should
be in need of ought in their power to bestow."
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THE PREPARATION OF THE INCARNATION. By the !
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Chambers, M.
Life of Mary Ward.
BOX
2089
.W2C36 ^1
V. 2 .
iT. MICHAEL'S COLLEGE LIDilARY,
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